August. They both arrived the 23d November last, but Congress not having made a house since the 7th of that month, they have not yet been officially communicated.

The information relative to Sir Guy Carleton's instructions, is in direct opposition to intelligence I have received on the same subject from persons in London, who have opportunities of knowing the truth, and whose credit is unquestionable. It is possible, however, that they may have been either accidentally or designedly deceived. A variety of considerations, and some facts, afford room for suspicions that there is an understanding between the insurgents in Massachusetts and some leading person in Canada, but whether with or without the consent or connivance of the British Government, is still to be ascertained. There is so much evidence of their having sent emissaries to Quebec, and of propositions made to and received by them from a character of distinction there, that I am induced to think there is at least some truth in it. A report has also circulated that the insurgents have money and pay, not only for supplies and ammunition, but also for personal services. This fact is as yet supported by slender proof; so much so that my judgment remains undecided and in suspense about it. Intimations have been given that the people of Vermont are less and less anxious to be admitted into the Confederacy, and that they rather incline to a connexion of some kind or other with Britain than with us. This also remains to be proved. Two circumstances, however, give it some appearance of probability, viz: it is said and believed they talked with Sir Guy Carleton during the war, and they know that by remaining separate from the States, they will also remain uncharged with our debts.

An idea that may do mischief has been very incautiously dropped where it should never have entered-that the interests of the Atlantic and Western parts of the United States are distinct, and that the growth of the latter, tending to diminish that of the former, the western people have reason to be jealous of the northern. If Britain really means to do us harm, she will adopt and impress this idea.

You will perceive from the public papers that the Government of Massachusetts has behaved with great moderation and condescension towards the insurgents; more so, in my opinion, than was wise. Obsta principiis always appeared to me to be a maxim very applicable to such cases. Those malcontents, undoubtedly, mean more

than the redress of grievances which their leaders complain of, and there is little doubt but that those leaders have more extensive views than their followers suspect. During the winter they may, perhaps, continue quiet, but if, during the course of it, they should be able to bring their affairs into system, and either obtain or be promised foreign countenance and aid, they will probably give us trouble in the spring. These people bear no resemblance to an English mob; they are more temperate, cool, and regular in their conduct. They have hitherto abstained from plunder, nor have they, that I know of, committed any outrages but such as the accomplishment of their purpose made necessary. I hear to-day that some of their leaders, in one of the counties, have certainly been taken by a party of horse from Boston.

In my letter of the 27th October, I enclosed a copy of an act of Congress, authorizing you to settle the affair of Schweighauser, and directing the Board of Treasury to furnish you with the necessary information. I presume, therefore, that such part of your letter of the 11th August as relates to that matter, will be referred to the Board, and that the Commissioners, according to order, will collect and transmit to you the intelligence in question.

My sentiments respecting the discussion of this matter with the Court, perfectly correspond with yours.

The situation of our captive countrymen at Algiers is much to be lamented, and the more so as their deliverance is difficult to effect. Congress cannot command money for that, nor indeed for other very important purposes. Their requisitions produce little, and Government (if it may be called a Government) is so inadequate to its objects, that essential alterations or essential evils must take place. I hope you have received the order of Congress for Mr. Lamb's recall. Another copy of it is herewith enclosed.

It seems probable that the delays of Portugal proceed from the cause you suggest. We hear the treaty between France and Britain will be concluded; if so, many consequences will doubtless result from it to us as well as Portugal. Some suspect that France and England will pursue similar systems of colonial commerce with us. Of this, however, some doubts remain on my mind. This country is still exceedingly out of humor with Britain, and every commercial privilege we have from France, beyond what Britain admits, increases it, and strengthens our predilections for France.

It

appears to me that the Court is not sufficiently apprized of the expediency of having a discreet liberal-minded Minister here. It is important to both countries that France should have none but exact and candid representations from hence; and although that may possibly be the case in general at present, yet there is some evidence of one of their Consuls having written that we suspected their sincerity in promoting our peace with Barbary. Such communications may tend to illustrate the penetration and intelligence of the writer; but I have no reason to think them warranted by facts, nor conducive to mutual confidence. We know that European commercial nations never rejoice to see a rival at peace with those pirates, but we, nevertheless, think that France has more inducements to do us good than evil, especially on that and such occasions. If our Government could draw forth the resources of the country, which, notwithstanding all appearances to the contrary, are abundant, I should prefer war to tribute, and carry on our Mediterranean trade in vessels armed and manned at the public expense. I daily become more and more confirmed in the opinion that Government should be divided into executive, legislative, and judicial departments. Congress is unequal to the first, very fit for the second, and but ill calculated for the third. So much time is spent in deliberation that the season for action often passes by before they decide on what should be done; nor is there much more secrecy than expedition in their measures. These inconveniences arise, not from personal disqualifications, but from the nature and construction of the Government.

If Congress had money to purchase peace of Algiers, or redeem the captives there, it certainly would, according to their present ideas, be well to lose no time in doing both. Neither pains nor expense, if within any tolerable limits, should be spared to ransom our fellowcitizens; but the truth is, that no money is to be expected at present from hence, nor do I think it would be right to make new loans until we have at least some prospect of paying the interest due on former Our country is fertile, abounding in useful productions, and those productions in demand and bearing a good price, yet relaxation in Government and extravagance in individuals create much public and private distress, and much public and private want of good faith.

ones.

The public papers will tell you how much reason we have to apprehend an Indian war, and to suspect that Britain instigates it.

In my opinion our

would be tedious.

Indian affairs have been ill managed. Details Indians have been murdered by our people in cold blood, and no satisfaction given; nor are they pleased with the avidity with which we seek to acquire their lands. Would it not be wiser gradually to extend our settlements as want of room should make it necessary, than to pitch our tents through the wilderness in a great variety of places, far distant from each other, and from those advantages of education, civilization, law, and Government which compact settlements and neighborhoods afford? Shall we not fill the wilderness with white savages, and will they not become more formidable to us than the tawny ones who now inhabit it?

As to the sums of money expected from the sale of those lands, I suspect we shall be deceived, for, at whatever price they may be sold, the collection and payment of it will not be easily accomplished.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN JAY.

Sir,

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, September 26, 1786.

The last letters I had the honor of writing you were of the 11th and 13th August; since that I have been favored with yours of July 14th and August 18th. I now enclose you such letters on the Barbary negotiations as have come to hand since my last. With these is the copy of a joint letter from Mr. Adams and myself to Mr. Lamb. In mine of August 13th I mentioned that I had 1 proposed it as a subject of consideration to Mr. Adams whether the mission of Mr. Barclay to Algiers might answer any good purposes. He is of opinion that it could not. I have therefore informed Mr. Barclay, who by this time is probably in Spain, that he is at liberty to return to this place, to London, or America, as he shall think proper. You will perceive by the letter from Mr. Carmichael that it is the opinion of the Counts de Florida Blanca and d'Espilly that a treaty with the Ottoman Porte is necessary before one can be made with Algiers. Such a treaty will require presents, not, indeed, as the price of their peace, but such as are usually made in compliment to their Ministers. But as it would be ineffectual towards opening to us

the Mediterranean until a peace with Algiers can be obtained, there seems to be no reason for pressing it till there is a prospect of settlement with the Algerines.

Since the death of the King of Prussia the symptoms of war between the Porte and the Russians and Venitians have become stronger. I think it is the opinion of this Court, however, that there will be no war shortly on the continent. I judge this as well from other information as from the circumstance of a late reduction of their land force. All their military preparations seem to be against a naval war; nevertheless, their treaty with England has lately taken a sudden start, declarations have been exchanged between the negotiators in the nature of preliminaries to a definitive treaty. The particulars of these declarations are not yet certainly known.

1 was asked by the Imperial Ambassador whether I had received an answer on the subject of his proposition to renew our powers to treat with his sovereign. A discrimination which they understand to have been made in America between the subjects of Powers having treaties with us and those having none, seems to be the motive of their pressing this matter.

It being known that M. de Calonnes, the Minister of Finance for this country, is at his wits end how to raise supplies for the ensuing year, a proposition has been made him by a Dutch company to purchase the debt of the United States to this country for twenty millions of livres, in hand. His necessities dispose him to accede to the proposition; but a hesitation is produced by the apprehension that it might lessen our credit in Europe, and perhaps be disagreeable to Congress. I have been consulted hereon by the agent of that company. I informed him that I could not judge what effect it might have on our credit, and was not authorized either to approve or disapprove of the transaction. I have since reflected on this subject; if there be a danger that our payments may not be punctual, it might be better that the discontents which would thence arise should be transferred from a Court of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company. But it has occurred to me that we might find occasion to do what would be grateful to this Court, and establish with them a confidence in our honor. I am informed that our credit in Holland is sound; might it not be possible, then, to borrow there the four and twenty millions due to this country, and thus pay them their whole debt at once? This would save