Sir,

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, August 14, 1785.

I was honored, on the 22d ultimo, with the receipt of your letter of June 15th, and delivered the letter therein enclosed, from the President of Congress, to the King. I took an opportunity of asking the Count de Vergennes whether the Chevalier Luzerne proposed to return to America? He answered me that he did, and that he was here for a time, only to arrange his private affairs. Of course this stopped my proceeding further, in compliance with the hint in your letter. I knew that the Chevalier Luzerne still retained the character of Minister to Congress, which occasioned my premising the question I did. But notwithstanding the answer, which, indeed, was the only one the Count de Vergennes could give me, I believe that it is not expected that the Chevalier will return to America; that he is waiting an appointment here to some of their embassies, or some other promotion, and in the meantime, as a favor, is permitted to retain his former character. Knowing the esteem borne him in America, I did not suppose it would be wished that I should add anything which might occasion an injury to him, and the rather as I presumed that at this time there did not exist the same reason for wishing the arrival of a Minister in America, which perhaps existed there at the date of your letter.

Count A'dhemar has just arrived from London, on account of a paralytic disease with which he has been struck. It does not seem improbable that his place will be supplied, and perhaps by the Chevalier de la Luzerne.

A French vessel has lately refused the salute to a British armed vessel in the Channel. The Chargé d'Affaires of Great Britain at this Court (their Ambassador having gone to London a few days ago) made this the subject of a conference with the Count de Vergennes on Tuesday last. He told me that the Count explained the transaction as the act of the individual master of the French vessel, not founded in any public orders. His earnestness and his endeavors to find terms sufficiently soft to express the Count's explanation, had no tendency to lessen any doubts I might have entertained on this subject. I think it possible the refusal may have been by order; nor can I believe that Great Britain is in a condition to resent it if it

was so. In this case we shall see it repeated by France, and the example will then be soon followed by other nations.

The news writers bring together this circumstance with the departure of the French Ambassador from London, and the English Ambassador from Paris, the manoeuvring of a French fleet just off the Channel, the collecting some English vessels of war in the Channel, the failure of a commercial treaty between the two countries, a severe arrêt here against English manufactures, as foreboding war.

It is possible that the fleet of manœuvre, the refusal of the salute, and the English fleet of observation, may have a connexion with one another. But I am persuaded the other facts are totally independent of these and of one another, and are accidentally brought together in point of time. Neither nation is in a condition to go to warGreat Britain, indeed, the least so of the two. The latter Power, or rather its monarch, as Elector of Hanover, is lately confederated with the King of Prussia and others of the Germanic body, evidently in opposition to the Emperor's designs on Bavaria. An alliance, too, between the Empress of Russia and Republic of Venice, seems to have had him in view, as he had meditated some exchange of territory with that Republic.

This desertion of the Powers heretofore thought friendly to him, seems to leave no issue for his ambition but on the side of Turkey. His demarcation with that country is still unsettled. His difference with the Dutch is certainly agreed. The articles are not yet made public; perhaps not quite adjusted. Upon the whole, we may count on another year of peace in Europe, and that our friends will not within that time be brought into any embarrassments which might encourage Great Britain to be difficult in settling the points still unsettled between us.

You have doubtless seen in the papers that this Court was sending two vessels into the South Sea, under the conduct of a Captain Peyrouse. They give out that the object is merely for the improvement of our knowledge of the geography of that part of the globe, and certain it is that they carry men of eminence in different branches of science. Their lading, however, as detailed in conversation, and some other circumstances, appeared to me to indicate some other design; perhaps that of colonizing on the western coast of America, or perhaps only to establish one or more factories there for the fur trade.

VOL. I.-40

We may be little interested in either of these objects; but we are interested in another, that is to know whether they are perfectly weaned from the desire of possessing continental colonies in America. Events might arise which would render it very desirable for Congress to be satisfied they have no such wish. If they would desire a colony on the western side of America, I should not be quite satisfied that they would refuse one which should offer itself on the eastern side. Captain Paul Jones being at L'Orient, within a day's journey of Brest, where Captain Peyrouse's vessels lay, I desired him, if he could not satisfy himself at L'Orient of the nature of this equipment, that he would go to Brest for that purpose, conducting himself so as to excite no suspicion that we attended at all to this expedition. His discretion can be relied on, and his expenses for so short a journey will be a trifling price for satisfaction on this point. I hope, therefore, that my undertaking, that the expenses of his journey shall be reimbursed him, will not be disapproved.

A gentleman lately arrived from New York tells me that he thinks it will be satisfactory to Congress to be informed of the effect produced here by the insult of Longchamps to Monsieur de Marbois. Soon after my arrival in France last summer, it was the matter of a conversation between the Count de Vergennes and myself. I explained to him the effect of the judgment against Longchamps; he did not say that it was satisfactory, but neither did he say a word from which I could collect that it was not satisfactory. The conversation was not official, because foreign to the character in which I then was. He has never mentioned a word on the subject to me since, and it was not for me to introduce it at any time. I have never once heard it mentioned in conversation by any person of this country, and had no reason to suppose that there remains any uneasiness on the subject. I have, indeed, been told that they have sent orders to make a formal demand of Longchamps from Congress, and had immediately countermanded these orders. You know whether this be true; if it be, I should suspect the first orders to have been surprised from them by some exaggeration, and that the latter was a correction of their error in the moment of further reflection. Upon the whole there certainly appears to me no reason to urge the State in which the fact happened to any violation of their laws, nor to set a precedent which might hereafter be used in cases more interesting to us than the late one.

In a late conversation with the Count de Vergennes, he asked me if the condition of our finances was improving. He did not make an application of the question to the arrearages of their interest, though perhaps he meant that I should apply it. I told him the impost still found obstacles, and explained to him the effects which I hoped from our land office.

Your letter of the 15th of April did not come to hand till the 27th ultimo.

I enclose a letter from Mr. Dumas to the President of Congress, and accompany the present with the Leyden Gazettes, and Gazette of France, from the date last sent you to the present time.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, August 14, 1785.

Sir,

The letter of June 18th, signed by Dr. Franklin and myself, is the last addressed to you from hence on the subjects of the general

commission.

As circumstances rendered it necessary that the signature of the Prussian treaty, whenever it should be in readiness, should be made separately, the intervention of a person of confidence between the Prussian Plenipotentiary and us became also requisite. His office would be to receive the duplicates of the treaty here, signed by Doctor Franklin and myself, to carry them to London to Mr. Adams, and to the Hague to Baron Thulemeier, for their signatures. Moreover, to take hence the original of our full powers to show to Baron Thulemeier, and the copy of his, which he had before communicated to us, to ask from him a sight of the original, to compare the copy with it, and certify the latter to be true.

Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, and myself, therefore, had concluded to engage Mr. Short (a gentleman of Virginia, who lives with me at present) to transact this business, and to invest him with the character of Secretary pro hac vice, in order that his signature of the truth of copy of Baron Thulemeier's full power might authenticate that

the

copy.

On the receipt of the letter No. 1, therefore, from that Minister, Mr. Short set out hence with the necessary papers. By a letter lately received from him, I expect he left London for the Hague about the 10th instant, and that the treaty is ultimately executed by this time. In respect to the desire expressed by Baron Thulemeier in the letter, we associated Mr. Dumas with Mr. Short, to assist in the exchange of signatures and other ceremonies of execution. We agreed to bear Mr. Short's expenses, and have thought that a guinea a day (Sundays excluded) would be a proper compensation for his trouble, and the necessary equipments for his journey which could not enter into the account of travelling expenses. I hope by the first safe conveyance to be able to forward to you the original of the treaty.

No. 2 is my answer to Baron Thulemeier's letter; No. 3, our instructions to Mr. Short; and No. 4, our letter to Mr. Dumas.

Mr. Lamb's delay gives me infinite uneasiness.

You will see by the enclosed papers, Nos. 5, 6, and 7, sent me by Mr. Carmichael, that the Emperor of Morocco, at the instance of the Spanish Court, has delivered up the crew of the Betsey.

No. 8, also received from Mr. Carmichael, is a list of articles given the Emperor of Morocco the last year by the States General

It is believed that the Spanish negotiator at Algiers has concluded a peace with that State, and has agreed to give them a million of dollars, besides a very considerable quantity of things in kind.

The treaty meets with difficulties in the ratification; perhaps the exorbitance of the price may occasion them. Rumors are spread abroad that they are pointing their preparations at us. The enclosed paper, No. 9, is the only colorable evidence of this which has come to my knowledge. I have proposed to Mr. Adams that if Mr. Lamb does not come either in the French or English packet then (August 6) next expected, to send some person immediately to negotiate these treaties, on the presumption that Mr. Lamb's purpose has been changed. We shall still be at a loss for the instructions of which he is said to have been the bearer. I expect Mr. Adams's answer on the subject.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.