if she should be attacked by one neighbor, she would infallibly be defended by two others. If attacked by Sardinia, she would be defended by France and the Emperor; if by the Emperor, France and Sardinia would support her; and if by France, the Emperor and Sardinia would unite to protect her. This is so fully known to her and all her neighbors, that she fears nothing, and is at no expense. Holland, attacked by France, found a friend in England; when attacked by England, France supported her; when the Emperor threatened her, she found a friend in France, too, and she will forever be sure that neither of these three great Powers can ever suffer her to fall a prey to any of the others. She has relied so much upon this as to neglect her defence, to her great regret at present. But what are Switzerland and Holland, small Powers limited by nature, so that they never can be great, to the United States of America, destined, beyond a doubt, to be the greatest Power on earth, and that within the life of man. This is so well known, that instead of being overlooked among the Powers, like Holland and Switzerland, we shall be more an object of jealousy than any other upon earth. All the Powers know that it is impossible for any, the proudest of them, to conquer us; and therefore, if we should be attacked by any one, the others will not be fond of undertaking our defence; knowing we can defend ourselves, they will leave us to do it, and if they assist us at all it will not be until we have done the work, and then it will be feebly, and only with a view of deriving more benefit and reputation from it than they do us good. They will be pleased to see us weakened and our growth a little retarded. It behooves the United States, then, to knit themselves together in the band of affection and mutual confidence, search their own resources to the bottom, form their foreign commerce into a system, and encourage their own navigation and seamen, and to these ends their carrying trade; and I am much afraid we shall never be able to do this, unless Congress are vested with full power, under the limitations prescribed of fifteen years, and the concurrence of nine States, of forming treaties of commerce with foreign Powers. JOHN ADAMS.

With great esteem, &c.,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Auteuil, near Paris, May 13, 1785.

Sir, We meet, as you know very well, so often with foreign Ministers at Court and other places, and have so many transient conversations upon subjects in which America is more or less concerned, that I scarcely know when it is worth while to transmit it to you, and when it is not. There is danger on one hand of degenerating into minuteness, and on the other of omitting something which may be of consequence.

The Duke of Dorset has been, in general, very civil to Doctor Franklin, Mr. Jefferson, and me; and I believe I may say, with exact truth, that he has shown us as much respect and attention as he has to the Ministers of any Power whatever; but since the English papers, from the gazettes of New York, have published my appointment to his Court, he has been more assiduous, if I may use that expression, than ever.

He congratulated me at last Court, very politely, on my appointment, and said if he could be of any service to me in public or private, by writing to Mr. Pitt or Lord Carmarthen, or to any of his private friends, it would give him pleasure to do it. I thanked his Grace in general terms, and said it was very possible he might be of service to me and to his own country, too, as well as mine-if his Grace and his humble servant thought alike upon certain points. He thought then, as well as I, that it was proper we should compare notes, and said he would come out to Auteuil and see me on Saturday at twelve. Accordingly he came, and repeating his professions of good will and his offers of service, I told his Lordship I did not mean to give him the trouble of any official representations, but as he was willing to enter into private conversation with me upon affairs, I might ask what could be the reason why the posts upon our frontiers were not evacuated. He said he could not tell. I added there had undoubtedly been full time, and it could not but be considered as inconsistent with the treaty; that he might well imagine it must be a tender point with us, and that jealousies and apprehensions would be very justly kept alive among all our people until the treaty was fulfilled in this particular. He seemed wholly at a loss upon this subject, and did not incline to compromise himself by hazarding any opinion.

I then mentioned the debts, and said it was certainly for the mutual advantage of both sides that we should come to an explanation upon that article. That to let loose the law, and perhaps the inflamed passions of some creditors, upon the debtors and their estates, might ruin the latter without paying the former. That if execution was served upon the person of a debtor for want of estate, by the ancient as well as modern laws, he might, in a stated period, obtain his liberty upon his oath, and the debt would be lost. If execution should be levied upon estate, it must be sold at vendue, and in the present scarcity of money would not be sold for half its value, so that the creditor might lose as well as the debtor. That it would surely be better for both countries, as well as for creditor and debtor, that the latter should be allowed time to turn himself, and make the most of his property. The Duke replied that if the matter should be represented in this light, and made appear to be so, perhaps the Ministry and the creditors might be satisfied; but, he added, interest should be paid. I answered that the question concerning interest would not be changed at all by delay; it would be the same whether the principal were paid now or some time, hence. But I found his Lordship here again unwilling to hazard any opinion of his own.

I then mentioned the negroes, and asked why the treaty was so little attended to in this article? He asked whether any considerable number had been carried off? I answered, a very great number, and not only against the treaty, but confessedly so; for that Sir Guy Carleton had at the time of his carrying them away acknowledged it to be against the treaty; but alleged that their treaties with the negroes obliged them to do it, and therefore they must pay for them. I added, that this made it still harder upon the American debtors, and, indeed, made it perfectly just for them to withhold payment, because that the property of many of them was thus wrongfully withheld from them-property by which they might have been enabled to pay at least much of their debts; but I found that either his Grace had not thought much upon these subjects, or that his prudence restrained him from speaking freely, and he chose to waive particulars by repeating offers of his service. I replied that I did not think it was proper for me to desire his Grace to make any official representations, because my first address of that kind should be made to Lord Carmarthen; but that noblemen and gentlemen of

high rank were often here and in company with his Grace, and, as conversation turned often upon American affairs, it might be in his Grace's power to rectify many mistakes relative to these subjects. It would be still more in his power by his private correspondences. I could not, however, obtain any specific promises, but he concluded by more general assurances that he sincerely wished that all questions might be settled to mutual satisfaction, and entire harmony and affection restored, &c., &c.

A few days after the Duke came out a second time to see me at Auteuil, and brought me some letters to the custom-house at Dover, which he believed would save me any troublesome visits of those gentry, and said he had written to Mr. Pitt, to desire him to send an order to the custom-house, which would certainly answer the end.

He then told me I must be in London time enough to pay my respects to the King on the 4th of June, his birthday; that to that end I must carry over from hence a fine new coat, ready-made, for that it was a rule of etiquette there for everybody to have new clothes upon that day who went to Court, and very rich ones; and that my family must be introduced to the Queen. I told him I was sorry to hear that, but that I hoped it was not indispensable, for that at the Court of Versailles the families of Ambassadors only were required to be presented, and Ministers Plenipotentiaries and Envoys had their option; my family had chosen to avoid it here, for many He said it was true, that here the etiquette required only the presentation of Ambassadresses, but in England it was otherwise, and the ladies and daughters of all the Ministers must be presented to the Queen.

reasons.

I hope, sir, you will not think this an immaterial or a trifling conversation when you consider that the single circumstance of presenting a family to Court will make a difference of several hundred pounds sterling in my inevitable annual expenses. This is not the first serious lecture that I have had upon the subjects of etiquette, and even dress. I have formerly related to you in conversation another much more grave, which I had five years ago from the Count de Vergennes. I believe I have also repeated to you similar exhortations made to me even by the best patriots in Holland. There is a certain appearance in proportion to rank which all the Courts of Europe make a serious point of exacting from everybody who is presented to them.

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I need not say to you, sir, because you know it perfectly, that American Ministers have never yet been able to make this appearance at any Court; they are now less able to do it than ever. I lament this necessity of consuming the labor of my fellow-citizens upon such objects as much as any man living, but I am sure that the debasing your Ministers so much below their rank will one day have consequences of much more importance to the husbandman, artisan, and even laborer.

With the most cordial esteem, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.