certainly occasions that the credit of the United States cannot be carried to the point, which we believe it deserves, in consequence of the inward solidity and promising prospect of the source of her welfare. Besides this, we are daily questioned about the ratification of the last loan, and we are at a loss what we shall answer, having received no letters from the office of Finance since the time when Mr. Morris resigned. But, sir, whenever our wishes in these points shall be fulfilled, which certainly will strengthen greatly the American credit, we should not advise to try another loan for some time, because we know that a great number of bonds of both of the former remain still in the hands of the undertakers, which, as you know, is the second hand, and there is no great prospect that they will sell their shares so soon, on occasion that we have every day new loans opened here, as for instance, one of seven millions in favor of the East India Company, one of twelve hundred thousand florins for the States of Zealand, one of two millions for Sweden, and we expect every day a loan for our province; added to this, large sums are employed in the French loan, and you will easily conclude that money becomes very scarce, which we hope will not be the case next year; and if then Congress might wish to pay off their loans in France, and raise the money in this country, it would give us much pleasure to give her again satisfaction with our endeavors, and at the same time to observe an unlimited confidence with our countrymen.

FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

New York, February 11, 1785.

Sir,

I have now the honor of transmitting to you, herewith enclosed, a ratification made the 1st instant of the contract or engagement which you entered into as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses, the Lords the States General of the United Netherlands, in behalf of the said States, with Messrs. Wilhem, and Jan Willink and others, for a loan of two millions of guilders, the 9th March, 1784.

As the letters received from you, between my predecessors resignation and my acceptance of this office, are yet in the hands of a committee of Congress, I am not in capacity to say anything of their dates or contents.

On the 14th ultimo I wrote a short letter to you, Doctor Franklin, and Mr. Jefferson.

Congress have resolved to send a Minister to the Court of London, and I flatter myself with being soon enabled to write you particularly on this subject.

It would give me great pleasure to hear from you frequently, and to be favored not only with such information as you may think interesting, but also with such remarks and opinions on affairs in this department as may the better enable me to discharge the duties of it.

M. de Marbois, in pursuance of the orders of his Court, has demanded that M. Longchamps be delivered up. I wish that matter had not been pressed. I have laid the requisition before Congress, and shall inform you of the result of their deliberations on the subject. It is in contemplation to appoint a Minister for Spain, and we are informed that an Envoy from that Court may daily be expected here.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN JAY.

Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Auteuil, near Paris, April 13, 1785.

I have written, by the late packets, for the orders of Congress concerning near a million of guilders in the hands of Messrs. Willink & Co., in Amsterdam, and requesting the ratification of my last loan, and other subjects. By the February packet, hourly expected, I hope to have the honor of letters from you, with the pleasure of Congress relative to these matters.

Our joint despatches will show all the information we have yet obtained concerning the power of the Barbary States, and the costliness of their friendship. We must proceed slowly and cautiously. I often hear the trade of the Mediterranean, and of the Levant, slightly spoken of, and represented as of small value to the United States. I think very differently, with an absolute certainty that time will demonstrate me in the right. But the rise of insurance on all of our trade is to be added to the full value of the trade we may have in the Mediterranean and Levant; and, what is worse, we have the cries of our countrymen in captivity, in chains, and exposed to

many cruelties, to consider. It is not the loss of property which has induced any nation to become tributary to them, but this inhuman practice of enslaving captives. France, England, and Holland have avoided stipulating in treaties to pay a tribute; but Sweden and Denmark have not. I hope we shall not imitate the example of these last. If we are directed to negotiate, we shall probably negotiate through the French Consul, but it will be necessary, finally, for Congress to send Consuls to sign the treaties and to make the presents. We have collected some information, which will be useful to our country, respecting these Powers. I wish we were able to do as much under our commission to Spain; that Court will not treat here, and for us to go to Madrid is a dangerous measure; we know not how much time the negotiation there may require, and if we go and return without success, it will be industriously spread by all the diplomatic corps, and will hurt the reputation of our country in Europe, and elate the English beyond measure, inconveniences which may be avoided by your conducting the negotiation with Mr. Gardoqui, at New York, or by Congress, sending a Minister to Madrid. This, I know, is much desired by the Spanish Court, and by this Court, as many symptoms have indicated, particularly a conversation between the Duke de la Vauguion and me, a few days before his departure for Madrid. A Minister at Madrid would be useful to us in conducting this business with the Barbary Powers, and is in all respects, as far as I can see, a desirable measure. The expense of maintaining three Ministers is the same, whether they reside at Auteuil, Passy, and Paris, or at Madrid, Versailles, and the Hague, and I am sure we could not do less, separately, than we are likely to do together.

You remember, sir, that one of the first things Mr. Hartley said to us was, to propose, in the name of the King, his master, and his Minister, Mr. Fox, that Ministers should be exchanged immediately between Congress and St. James. You have received, before now, the formal proposition from the Marquis of Carmarthen, transmitted to us, through the Duke of Dorset, to the same effect. The appointment of Mr. Temple as Consul General, is a still stronger indication of a real wish in the Ministry that this measure may be pursued, and of a secret consciousness that they shall be obliged to treat. In their refusal to treat here, they would be justified by all the courts and diplomatic bodies in the world. I make no scruple, no hesitation VOL. I.-31

to advise that a Minister may be sent, nor will I be intimidated from giving this advice, by any apprehension that I shall be suspected of a design or desire of going to England myself. Whoever goes will neither find it a lucrative nor a pleasant employment, nor will he be envied by me. I know that for years, if he does his duty, he will find no personal pleasure or advantage. But the measure of sending å Minister to England appears to me the corner-stone of the true American system of politics in Europe, and if it is not done, we shall have cause to repent it for a long time, when it will be too late. Every thing is calculated, as it appears to me, to involve us in a war with England. Cries and prejudices are fomented in England and America, which have no other tendency but to involve us in a war long before we shall be ready. Ten or fifteen years hence we should have nothing to fear from a war with England, if they should be mad enough to force us upon it. At present it would distress us extremely, although it would ruin England. My system is a very simple one; let us preserve the friendship of France, Holland, and Spain, if we can, and in case of a war between France and England, let us preserve our neutrality, if possible. In order to preserve our friendship with France, and Holland, and Spain, it will be useful for us to avoid a war with England. To avoid a war with England, we should take the regular diplomatic steps to negotiate, to settle disputes as they rise, and to place the intercourse between the two nations upon a certain footing; then we may understand one another, avoid deceits and misrepresentations. It is so much the interest of England that we should be neutral in a future war, that I am persuaded cool and candid reasoning with their Ministers upon the subject would convince them of it. The force of truth is greater, even upon the minds of politicians, than the world in general is aware of. England is now mad with the hope of our having a war with Spain, and even France, in consequence of the family compact, and of our courting them to become our allies and undertake our defence. Surely it would not be difficult for an American Minister to convince a British one that this is chimerical, and that the only thing they ought to expect from America is neutrality. The real thing the English have to fear is our joining their enemies against them in a future war. She has no alliance to hope from us, unless Spain should force us into a war; and even then we ought not to ask or accept aid from England, if we could avoid it, unless France, from the family compact, should join Spain.

This reasoning and this system, you see, goes upon the supposition. that we are independent of France in point of moral and political obligation; but if the sentiments of America are otherwise, and these principles are general, which you and I once heard delivered with great formality and energy, viz: "That America ought to join France against England in two future wars, one to pay the debt of ' gratitude already contracted, and the other to shew ourselves as 'generous as France had been," I confess myself all wrong, and to be so totally ignorant of the right duties and interests of my country as to be altogether unfit for any share in their public affairs, foreign or domestic.

At any rate, our negotiations in this place have not answered the ends proposed by Congress and expected by the people of America ; nor is there now scarcely a possibility that they should. I am very happy in my friend, Mr. Jefferson, and have nothing but my inutility to disgust me with a residence here. But I presume Congress will not think it expedient to renew the commission, or attempt any longer to carry on negotiations with the rest of the world in this place. If they should, however, I hope they will think of some other gentleman in my place, as it is my desire to return home at the expiration of the term of the present commissions.

With great respect and sincere esteem, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Auteuil, near Paris, April 24, 1785.

The letter you did me the honor to write me on the 11th of February last, containing the ratification of my last loan of two millions of guilders, having been properly addressed to me as Minister at the Hague, by a mistake of the post office at Paris was sent to Holland, from whence it returned to me last night. This loan is long since full, as my last loan of five millions of guilders is nearly so; I must, therefore, solicit the further instructions of Congress whether I am to open any new loan or not.

Your letter to Doctor Franklin, Mr. Jefferson, and me, of the 14th of January, has been duly received and answered.