had not the proper success. So far are we from religious freedom, that even in asking for tolerance we must measure our expressions. I was more liberally supported by a learned and virtuous prelate, the Bishop of Langres, who spoke admirably on the religious motion I had introduced. You will see that the Bureau clogged it with many compliments to the Roman creed to appease the priests and devotees.

I cannot express to you, my dear sir, what my feelings have been whenever the unpaid interest of the American debt has been spoken of in the examination of the accounts. May the convention be the happy epocha of Federal, energetic, patriotic measures! May the friends of America rejoice! May her enemies be humbled, and her censors silenced at the news of her noble exertions in the continuance of those principles which have placed her so high in the annals of history and among the nations of the earth.

The Archbishop of Toulouse is the ablest and one of the most honest men that could be put at the head of the Administration. He will be the prime influencer in everything, and we may depend upon him as a man equally enlightened and liberal.

I beg you will present my respectful compliments, and those of Madame de la Fayette to Mrs. Jay. Remember me to General Knox, Colonel Hamilton, Colonel Wadsworth, the Chancellor, Mr. Madison, Doctor Cochran, the Governor; in a word, to all friends.

Please send the enclosed printed speeches and copied resolves of the Bureau to Mr. Otto, who must be very desirous of getting them.

Most respectfully and affectionately yours,

LA FAYETTE.

FROM THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE TO JOHN JAY.

Sir,

Paris, October 15, 1787.

The present state of politics having been laid before Congress, I shall the less intrude on their time with repetitions, as the late transactions in Holland have nothing pleasing to dwell upon. That the republican party have been disunited in many respects, and blinded in the choice of a General, that our Cabinet have been treacherously

deceived, are true but insufficient apologies. The Ottomans, roused by England, will probably pay for their folly with one half of their Empire. It now lies with England whether a maritime war is to break out, which must involve the continent, and connect France with the two Imperial Courts. France is sincere in her politics and moderate in her pretensions, as it is the ardent wish of the King, Ministers, and nation to devote themselves to internal improvements. But the affairs of Holland, those in the East, the giddiness of the King of Prussia's head, and British rancor for the assistance given to America, are causes of war, which, notwithstanding the disposition of the Ministry, may, probably, be blown up in Great Britain.

It is natural for a citizen and servant of the United States to consider what effect a maritime war would have upon them; and I am happy to find in their indulgence and long-experienced confidence every encouragement to offer my opinion.

A cooperation against a proud and rancorous enemy would equally please my politics as a Frenchman, my feelings as an American, and my views as an individual. I was nine years ago honored by the choice of Congress to command an army into Canada, and never have I ceased to enjoy the prospect of its enfranchisement. A successful war, too, might divide the fisheries between France and America. But are not the United States so circumstanced for the present as to render a war too expensive for them, and too dangerous to their commerce?

Convinced, as I am, that it is the case, I think myself bound in duty and love for them not to indulge my ambition further than a neutrality useful to them and favorable to their allies. Every American harbor will offer a shelter for the French ships, a market for their prizes, and all the conveniences of repair and victualling; all which being consistent with treaties, gives no ground of complaint. Although the trade is going on between England and America, it does not hinder the French colonies from being supplied with all their wants. Privateering itself, if under French colors, does no harm; and so may the United States enrich themselves with a free trade with both nations at the same time that they maintain their own tranquillity and help their allies. And should they be forced into a war, I would wish at least it might be delayed as long as possible, and postponed, for obvious reasons, to the last campaign.

It is to be confessed that France might lay some claims on more

decisive measures, but sensible as she is of the unavoidable situation of affairs in America, I have reasons to believe she would not hurry her into a war, and will be satisfied with such a friendly, helping neutrality.

But I consider the present time as a proper one to obtain the restoration of the forts, and perhaps the navigation of the Mississippi, two points which I confess I could never submit to the idea of giving up. The one is ours* by the laws of nations, the other by the laws of nature; and may I be permitted to add that either concession would be inconsistent with the character of the United States.

Mr. Jefferson gives an account of the measure taken, respecting the commerce between this Kingdom and America. I wish that affair had been terminated in time for the departure of Count de Moustier, a gentleman whose personal character will, I trust, deserve the confidence and approbation of Congress.

We are anxiously waiting for the result of the convention at Philadelphia, as an event which, being engrafted in the present dispositions of the people, will probably add a lustre and a proper weight to the affairs of America in Europe; and while it ensures internal happiness and prosperity will baffle the insidious wishes, and annihilate the absurd reports of her enemies.

The next month is the appointed time for the session of all Provincial assemblies, an establishment which will be productive of the best consequences.

The liberty I have taken in expressing my opinion on an event not certain, but not improbable, cannot be referred, I am sure, to any principles of vanity or self-sufficiency; but to the gratitude so well grounded, and the zeal which shall ever rank me among the most devoted servants of the United States.

With every sentiment, &c.,

LA FAYETTE.

FROM JOHN JAY TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

New York, April 26, 1788.

Sir, Since last fall I have enjoyed so little health that it has not been in my power to be so punctual in my correspondence as I wished. I

*It must be remembered that in these letters General La Fayette always speaks of himself as an American.

have had the pleasure of receiving and communicating to Congress your favor of the 15th October last. The apprehensions you then entertained have been removed by the subsequent arrangements between France and Britain. For my part I wish they may continue at peace, as well because war always brings distress upon great numbers as because the present state of our affairs is not accommodated to the circumstances and consequences which such a war would produce.

You have doubtless seen the plan of Government recommended by the late convention at Philadelphia. Six States have adopted it. What the others will do is not certain. It is the subject of animated discussions among the people. In this State the opposition is considerable. A few months more will decide that great question.

The late commercial regulations of France, relative to this country, are certainly very acceptable; but my private opinion is that much more is yet to be done before the interests of France and America will be properly provided for. I fear the prejudices and partial views of your people will restrain the Court from going all the lengths which true policy seems to dictate; nor can I answer for opinions on this side of the water. I will tell you very candidly what I think on the subject. It is this: that your people should have all the commercial privileges of American citizens, and our people all the commercial privileges of French subjects. I have not at present health or leisure to explain the reasons on which this opinion rests; nor is it necessary, for I am persuaded that few of them will escape your observation.

Mr. Jefferson's letters mention your constant attention and attachment to the interests of this country, and how much he and we are indebted to your friendly aid and exertions.

With very sincere esteem and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN JAY.