CORRESPONDENCE. FROM LA FAYETTE TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Paris, December 26th, 1783 Sir, Having received no commands from Congress by the last packet, I must, however, trespass upon their time to give them a few hints respecting American commerce. I have, of course, directed them to Mr. Morris; and although Dr. Franklin (the other Ministers being in England) will give you political intelligence, I cannot help adding, that by a refined piece of cunning, the King of England has got Mr. Fox out of the Ministry. After having entangled him by a success in the House of Commons, he found means to stop him short in the House of Lords, in consequence of which Mr. Fox has been dismissed. Mr. Pitt, and the last of the Temples called in, and the new administration (Lord North being also out) necessitates the calling of a new Parliament. The affairs between Russia and the Ottoman Empire are still negotiating, and although in my opinion war cannot be much deferred in that quarter, there is no probability of its taking place so soon as next summer. The Emperor is in Italy, upon which some say he has also got an eye, and there he will meet with the King of Sweden. There is no change in the French Ministry since M. de Calonne has succeeded to M. de Omillon, and Baron de Breteuil to M. Amelot, both of whom are more sensible than their predecessors. Unless I have some commands from Congress to execute in Europe I shall in the spring embark for America, and present them with the personal homage of one whose happiness is to feel himself forever a zealous member in the service of the United States. With the utmost regard and affectionate attachment, I have the honor to be, &c., LA FAYETTE, FROM THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE TO ROBERT MORRIS. Sir, Although I have not by this opportunity been honored with any commands from Congress, I beg their permission to acquaint them, through you, with the measures respecting coinmerce which it has been both my duty and my inclination to pursue. On my return from Spain I heard that Bayonne and Dunkirk were the two ports pointed out for American trade. L'Orient is out of the question; and although it was wished for by the Minister and Consul of the United States, their having no positive orders from Congress seemed to them sufficient reason to forbear a timely application. As I was a private man, I thought I might make it myself, and every difficulty I met with the better convinced me of the importance there was in getting that harbor. It was at last fixed upon in lieu of Bayonne, and I was permitted to let it be known to Mr. Barclay. But M. de Omillon being overburthened with the duties of his place, an enormous time was lost in giving the affair an official and complete conclusion. Monsieur de Calonne having got into place, I have applied to him, as I do to every Minister that has something to do with American affairs. Enclosed you will find answers from him, and I hope our next conference will finish the affair of L'Orient. It has much pleased me to hear from Colonel Gouvion that your opinion respecting its conveniency coincided with mine. But since it has been decided we should obtain L'Orient, I have made an application for an addition of free ports. Because the more that are got the better it will be. Dunkirk, L'Orient, Bayonne, and Marseilles, will be a very proper chain. Bayonne, with the country around it, opens a good contraband trade with the Spaniards. Upon the receipt of your letter, September 30th, Mr. Franklin sent it to me, requesting I would make what use of it I thought proper. I had extracts of it translated, which I intend taking with me to Versailles. Your opinion will have great weight in the affair, because of the confidence Europeans have in your abilities, and the respect which is paid here to your character. The ideas upon commerce that are met with in this country are far from being always right; to persuade people into their own interest is sometimes as difficult a matter as it would be to obtain a sacrifice. But the Ministry and the people are wishing for intimate connexions with America upon a liberal policy; one of the impediments is, that the trade in France is subject to many inconveniences, which, by little and little, will be removed; and the other, that the merchants here, and the farming interest about Bordeaux, oppose any foreign trade with the West Indies. Those oppositions I have been every day combatting in the best manner I could; and at last have determined to present several heads, by way of memorial, which I will commence in conversation. It is entirely in the capacity of a Frenchman that I write, and wish as little appearance of partiality as I could. The reason is obvious; and I have sent a copy of my memorial to every one of the Ministers. With it I enclose M. de Calonne's answers, and a copy of an old letter from M. de Vergennes, which you must have got long ago. Should you think the memorial worth reading to Congress, or any committee, I must beg it will not go elsewhere, as I do not wish its being propagated. In everything I do I need not say that I will ask for directions from the Ministers of Congress; and I very much wish to see them treating the matter directly with this Government. I the more desire it as I know the intentions of Congress only from hearsay, and cannot move a step in cases where their name is to be made use of with the Ministry. With the highest regard, I have the honor to be, &c., LA FAYETTE. While I am reading over this memorial, I beg leave to observe it was intended to point out the inconveniences in the French trade; it was therefore my object on the one hand to present them in their worst point of view, and on the other to overlook the advantages which that commerce has over other nations. It would have been wrong in me not to observe that this memorial is not intended to give a stated account of the affair, but to obtain favorable alterations upon particular points. LA FAYETTE. OBSERVATIONS of the Marquis de la Fayette addressed to the Count de Vergennes, on the Commerce of the United States with France and the French Colonies. Whilst sacrificing her treasures and the blood of her citizens in the last war, France had a right to anticipate great advantages. There are some advantages which no faults can take away, and while she has recovered her consideration, her rival has lost a part of its commerce, an immense territory, a great number of its subjects, which Europe was eager to increase. France has besides done more. She has secured herself against a ruin which seemed sure and near at hand. It is evident to all who are acquainted with the New World, that on the eve of the Declaration of Independence England could have secured our American possessions. But although it was our duty to look with favor upon this revolution on account of advantages required, and evils avoided by it, although the main point at issue be a doubt whether this new-created power acquired by the United States, which is now independent and peaceable, would be better situated by a reunion with our rivals, there are yet some advantages which appeared secured to us, but which I see with regret we have lost. During the animosity caused by the war, it would have been more easy for us to form commercial ties; but if we have now competitors we still have some advantages over them. Not that I think commerce appears to me a matter of sentiment. Americans love France; they are generous and grateful; and when they are accused of carrying to excess their hatred, (as, for instance, in regard to reprisals or the refugees,) it would be too absurd to accuse them of being attached to England. But all merchants look up to gain; and although the policy of the United States be very favorable to us, yet mercantile interest is impartial. Its influence will go, it must be confessed, farther yet; it will gradually take the lead in councils over which merchants have a great influence. Rivals of the British in our manufactures as well as in our commerce, by the same means it is that at some future day our political rivalship will be decided. When I speak of our advantages I only mean to say that in the first attempt we will find them in the favorable disposition of the Americans; but nature has given us exclusive ones; and with little trouble we might obtain still more of them; and instead of repelling this commerce, it would be easier to bring the greatest portion of it towards us. Every delay, every error on our part becomes a sure gain for England; for, in the last resort, if America does not favor us it will be favorable to others; and if this truth is not worth some sacrifices at least it is worth a prompt and very serious attention. Being early engaged in that revolution, I regret the loss of the least advantages which my country might, by proper attention, have derived from it. I would cherish every thing that may draw closer an alliance which is natural, and required by common interest. Had I the experience of a merchant, I would write on the subject of the commerce with the United States. I can have no pretensions of that kind, and if my reflections or my information have given me some ideas on commercial affairs, they are too imperfect to induce me to venture to write a memorial on that subject. What I have learned or thought I have told to the Ministers of the King, and it is in obedience to their order that I offer a few notes on this interesting subject. The commerce of the Kingdom, and that of the Colonies, although divided by the departments, cannot, in relation with the United States, be separated. On the examination of the first part, we see on the one side raw materials, and on the other manufactured articles which promise great profits in the exchange. If this truth requires an example, I will instance the extensive commerce in flaxseed which the late colonies carried on with Ireland. From the sowing of the seed until America received bleached linens, Ireland gained every thing by its culture. Without injuring commerce, our fine cloths, our silks of all kinds, our linens, our fancy articles, &c., will find a considerable sale; but it may yet be increased by care, and while manufactures, not in such great demand, will suit the American taste, (for I have seen that in Boston the roundness of the heads of our nails was an objection to them, and that the Irish way of folding linens had an influence on the sale of them,) others might lessen their prices by simplifying their manufacture, and some might gain by adopting the English plan, which consists in employing each person to the manufacture only of a single article, and by applying to each article the degree of power absolutely necessary. It is a singular fact that when the raw materials are cheaper and better in our colonies, the cotton goods of Rouen should be, since the peace, dearer than those of Manchester. The price of our labor, the good taste, and the intelligence which distinguish us all give us hopes that we can, in our goods, imitate, and even excel other nations. |