which costs the people more than a quarter of a million annually. It is not necessary to say that the word "cleaning" is in this case a misnomer. Our streets are notoriously filthy from January to December; and yet they might be clean for one quarter of the money. Indeed, it is believed that if the farmers in the suburbs were allowed the privilege of gathering the street manure at a cost of twenty-five cents a load, the streets would be scraped to the very stones, and the city, instead of being taxed to this enormous extent to feed rapacious partisans, would enjoy a handsome profit from what is now an intolerable nuisance, and at the same time get rid of the nuisance itself.

These are but a few of the leading evils that the people of New-York city endure in consequence of allowing their municipal affairs to follow in the wake of political partisanship. It is time now to separate them at once and for ever, and we hope that the coming November election will not be allowed to pass by without the formation of a purely municipal party. The well-known corruptions and evils of the present system would secure to the new plan the sympathies and coöperation of at least four fifths of the entire community. Try it. Nominate a full ticket, and then declare uncompromising war against either party that dare oppose it in their Presidential canvass.

YANKEE DOODLE AND ERIN GO BRAGH.-Just about these days the Irish in America are on the qui vive for a war with "ould England," and the promises of bone and muscle for the anticipated campaign, that appear in the Milesian journals, are provocative alike of mirth and reminiscence. Paddy, who is proverbial for his gallantry among the sylphs of earth, has become enamored of the Yankee Goddess, and brags of what he will do for her in a scrimmage, if she will only let him loose to follow the bully-boys of America against the heretic "crass" of St. George. Here is a titbit from a paper called the Irish American:

"Yes; let this war come, and give us a chance of invading Ireland; let us but land ten thousand men upon her western and southern shores; let the American Eagle and Irish Harp-in loving em brace-be planted on her Martello towers, backed by the green uniforms and glancing bayonets of the Irish American Brigade in their strength of thousands; let the wild shout of friendly invaders be intermingled with the music of Hail Columbia and Patrick's Day; and our lite a million Irishmen will rush to the battle-field and follow their

American allies and brethren to the death against England and despotism!"

The "loving embrace" of the American Eagle and the Irish Harp suggests a tableau of thrilling pathos, poetry, and blarney; but it has occurred to us that for the music, "Yankee Doodle over the bogs" would be more to the purpose than "Hail Columbia and Patrick's Day." As to the "million of Irishmen," we have not the slightest doubt that they would "follow" if they went into the scrimmage "at all at all;" but the recollection of McClure's regiment and Riley's battalion plays the deuce with all of Paddy's promises. His drafts in the hands of his "American allies"— that's a funny word-have been dishonored so often, that, in spite of Scott's blarney, they are below par. Not content with promises, however, our Milesian friends claim relationship; Paddy is on a cozening visit, and makes himself as cosy and comfortable as a rat in your pantry. Hear what he says:

"If war should come, there are the Canadas and other British provinces within our grasp. And there is Ireland, too, which belongs by blood and natural affection to America."

There's a blood relationship for you, and it's only to be wondered at that Brother Jonathan did not discover it long ago. What a pity it is that the pedigree isn't given, to inform us what proportion of Irish blood America has in her veins. Here's another little effort. Here's an appeal to our pride and our dignity that must be irresistible. Bear in mind, this is all about the "codfish:"

'Will America permit the star-spangled banner to be trailed in the dust, trampled on, and spat upon by bloated, insolent, overgrown John Bull ?”

Make yourself "aisy," darling. America knows her cue for fighting without a prompter, and never yet came in behind time. We make another quotation:

"Ireland owes less allegiance to England than to Russia, and feels more loyalty and love for America or France. And whatever foreign power may become England's enemy, she will be welcomed and embraced as Ireland's friend!"

Oh, is it there ye are? Seriously, then, all this palaver is for Ireland, is it? Haven't you learned yet, Mr. Irish American, that this is America and not Ireland? If you really possess all the love for your native land and all the hatred for England that you profess to, and if you can really muster "a million" of

Irishmen against England, your sworn foe, why, in the name of all that is patriotic and brave, do you not go to Ireland, and give battle for her independence? Is it not because you know that there is no reliance to be placed on her people? that she is dismembered, degraded, and her vitals torn asunder by priestcraft, her inherent curse, the curse that has enslaved her, and that will keep her enslaved? And do you not know that your hostility to England exists because England is a Protestant country, and a country of liberal institutions, where freedom of religion is not only tolerated but protected by her laws? Do you not know that it is the desire of your political Church to employ America as an instrument to crush religious and civil liberty in England, in order that its triumph over the same elements in America itself—that America which you hypocritically profess to love so deeply-may be made more easy and certain? If you do not know these things, we do. We know that you hate not only the institutions of England, but of America also. We know that you seek supremacy in the government of both, for you have avowed it; and we know that if you should obtain that supremacy, you would prohibit the exercise of free conscience, and burn at the stake, as freely as you did the body of John Cranmer, every "heretic" who should refuse to acknowledge and bow down to you. You have yourselves thrown the cloak of hypocrisy from your deformities, and must not be surprised that Americans, having eyes, can perceive them.

THE PRIMARY ELECTIONS.

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MR. EDITOR:-In your June number of the Republic you have been pleased to give the contents" with the result of the primary elections some sweet consolation, leaving them to understand that the fault in the matter of which they complain. was simply their own, and proceeded from neglect of duty.

Now this is all right enough, Mr. Editor; but, as one who has not only heard but felt the "rapping," permit me to ask you to carry the matter a little further. For how, sir, are we to get to the primary elections, and what are we to do when we have got there? It is never generally known where the polls are to be held, nor who are chosen to serve as delegates in support of the different candidates to be presented in convention.

Many, nay, the great mass of our citizens are peaceable, quiet, and good, not "better," having their own notions of that which is essential to the

welfare of their country, also some little knowledge of men who have distinguished themselves in its behalf, and who, in their judgment, would be most

capable of managing its executive and legislative affairs for at least the period of a term. But, sir, these parties, being naturally quiet, do not seek the confusion and clamor of public meetings, where work is not done but drawn out, it having been previously cut and dried by the "wire-pullers" in private caucus. And, sir, if the good citizens did go to the meetings, what could they do there? The matter is found to be so far fired that men of independent views have but to give in their adhe sion with an ay, ay, or back out, or join in “pellmell" with the wire-pullers as "full blown" politicians, trying their hands and brains at out-witting, out-generalling the rest.

We will suppose, sir, that they join in the political scramble. What then becomes of those quiet domestic virtues so much to be admired in our "good citizens?" Extend the view, consider the work as having been cut and dried in caucus, and drawn out with noisy acclamation at the ward meeting. What then? We simply come to the first step in finality, the primary election. Committees arrange time and place for holding the polls, and forces, that they may be on hand, drilled, primed, make these things known to the elect and their and (spiritually) loaded. But, sir, the time and place for holding the primary contest are designedly withheld from the public until within a comparatively few hours of action, and then only is communicated time and duration of polls, without the naming of delegates chosen to support different candidates or even the localities in which the polls are to be held. These latter the good citizen has to ascertain for himself, and possibly may find his way to the polls with the design of depositing an independent vote; but, in place thereof, realizes a jam, smash, blow on the head, or final knock-down, as the price to be paid for an unwarrantable attempt to exercise the full rights of elective franchise in a free country. Nor are these coercive auxiliaries to improvement (?) in our political affairs by any means scarce commodities in ward meetings. Believe me, sir, it is the present peculiar arrangement of our primary political work that makes the rancor of partisanship so intense and blasting to honor in our fellow-countrymen, and so profitable of scandal to our republican government. If you, sir, can offer a suggestion through which good and peaceable citizens could receive, in primary action, some other than a broken pate for the exercise of patriotism, be kind enough to do so, as an act of humanity to a law-abiding, liberty-loving people.-Yours truly,

REMARKS.

ONE OF THEM.

an election, the voters of each party were duly called together by their respective ward or district committees, for the purpose of selecting candidates to be supported at the forthcoming election, and, although there might be different preferences in regard to nominees, no difficulty occurred in arriving at a choice. Neither party presumed to enter or interrupt the meetings of the other, and each generally put forth as candidates the names of men supposed to be best qualified to carry out the principles and to sustain the dignity and high character of their party.

But things are sadly changed. Each party is now torn with internal faction, each faction setting forth or arriving at some subordinate principle or purpose; or it may be, that what our correspondent calls the "wire-pullers" are arrayed against each other in the scramble for office, without regard to any principle what

ever.

These divisions produce a hostility between the active politicians of the parties, (to whom the people have always looked for direction,) and cause the evils of which our correspondent complains. Thus: Take either party. A few of these active gentlemen, say half a dozen, will get together in secret conclave, and make out a ticket, we will suppose it is for charter officers, taking especial care to place none upon it who are not known to be fully identified with their faction or personal interest, or those who will pay the most in hard cash for the honor of a nomination. Another branch of the workies take offense at this summary procedure, by which they are forestalled in their plans; accordingly, they also get together and prepare another ticket, adapted to the interest of their side of

the house.

Then commences the preparation for battle, the marshalling of forces, the hiring of bullies, and the "pulling of the wires." All this is done very slily, for fear of losing an advantage. Then comes a call for the primary meeting of the voters of the ward, "to nominate charter officers." This, too, is done very slily, and, as our correspondent says, often in such a way that nobody hears the call in time to attend the meeting. But the committee are obliged to go through the form of a call in some way, and they do it with as little publicity as possible, trusting to their organized force and the bullies to carry their point. These meetings are generally called also at

an hour least convenient for business men; hence many who do see the call are unwilling to make the sacrifice necessary to attend, and if they do attend for the purpose of voting, the precincts of the polls are made as repulsive as possible by the presence of disorderlies, so that few, unless accompanied by an experienced pilot, will venture past the charmed barrier. Thus one faction or the other triumphs by brute force in their nomination, and the people at large are compelled to sustain the foul offspring of an organized corruption at the regular election, or else stay at home and suffer disfranchisement, which many prefer to do rather than disgrace themselves, their principles, and their city, by elevating bad men and fools to offices of trust, honor, and profit.

These are the evils of which our correspondent complains; and he asks how they are to be overcome. We answer: In the first place, the so-called "primary election" does not comprise the root of the evil. As he himself justly remarks, the mischief has been done, and the work "cut and dried," before the "primary election" takes place. We must go further back. We must see who "cut and dry" the work, and, if possible, be among them while they are at it. Our correspondent must be informed that once in every year each party elects what are called its "ward committees" and its delegates to the "general committees" of the county. These committees constitute the "wire-pullers," the men who do the cutting and drying, and to whom the "peaceable, quiet, and orderly citizens," as our correspondent is pleased to term them, look for direction. This is the root of the whole matter. This is, in fact, the primary organization in every political movement, because upon the character of these "committees" depends every thing. Our correspondent may see, therefore, that if he wishes to eradicate the evil, root and branch, he must attend to the election of the local committees, the men who in "caucus" do the "cutting and drying."

But there are other ways to check, if not to root out the disease. If the "good people" are not satisfied with the candidates whom the "wire-pullers" have cut and dried for them, they can, by public announcement, assemble in their sovereign power and make other nominations to suit themselves; or, if this is deemed too laborious, or if the "wire

In the case of candidates nominated by conventions, such as members of Congress, Assemblymen, county officers, &c., the delegates to which are chosen in the same manner as charter nominations, the people of the district are generally called together in a sort of primary gathering to ratify their choice; and if the nominations are bad, the "good people" have then an opportunity to reject them and make others in their stead, vira voce. The rejections and nominations so made at a ratification meeting are final, because they are the result of the expressed will of the people assembled solely for that purpose.

GROWTH OF AMERICAN SENTIMENT.-The people and the press of our country begin to think with Andrew Jackson, that “it is time that we were a little more Americanized." We can no longer believe that the sentiments and sympathies of our countrymen are opposed to us, because all with whom we converse agree with us in our general principles; and the press of the country, or that portion of it, at least, that is not under foreign influence, begins to speak plainly on the subject of the dangers of foreign influence, either directly or indirectly, upon our institutions. We have from time to time made extracts from the journals of the day in various portions of the land, who have come out manfully on the side of nationality against party, and in favor of a more stringent system of naturalization, as the only hope left for the salvation of our free system as it now exists, under the restraint of wholesome laws-laws

made by the people for the people, through their own chosen representatives.

We have always been of the opinion that any government is better than no government; that even a despotism which preserves order in society is better than Red Republicanism, which, by giving the "largest liberty," would paralyze industry, and render both life and property insecure. Hence we are pleased and encouraged at every symptom of a change in the popular mind in the right direction. It cannot be denied that Red Republicanism, which is but another name for lawlessness,

has made rapid strides among the foreign population of the United States within the last five years; nor can it be denied that since the appearance of Kossuth among us, that influence has been powerfully concentrated, and that the most radical and treasonable projects have been made, with the intention of ripening them in American ballot-boxes.

The Courier and Enquirer has of late taken up this subject in the true American spirit. In an article, published July 23d, on the subject of General Scott's change of sentiments since 1844, it speaks directly to the purpose, and expresses its regret that the General has repudiated his Americanism. On that subject the Courier uses the following language:

"We cannot but regret that General Scott does not occupy precisely the same ground now that he did in 1844, except his approval of Nativism as it developed itself in Philadelphia. In the approval of that species of Nativism we never concurred. It was a disgrace to our country, to human nature, and to the age in which we live. And yet we believe that a candidate for the Presidency who would dare manfully to express his convictions in favor of a judicious modification of the Naturalization Laws, would receive more votes than any politician who, from mere expediency, adopts a different course."

We believe so too. Can we not find a man who will "dare" manfully to express his convictions in that direction?

The Courier then proceeds to say:

eigner now in the country, or who may arrive “We hold that the vested rights of every for while the existing laws remain unrepealed, are as sacred as are the vested rights of any native-born American under the Constitution and laws passed in conformity with it. . . . But it is a matter of notoriety, that the most intelligent, the wisest, and the most patriotic of our citizens, have trembled for the consequences of naturalizing millions of foreigners after a brief residence of five years among us, and before they have become qualified wisely to exercise the rights of suffrage. And we have never known a solitary instance of any man's changing his principles or convictions' in this re

gard."

Is it so? Have our best citizens "trembled" for these consequences, and yet not only remained silent, but visited with abuse those who have dared to express their convictions? Is it so indeed? Party trammels have so bound up the "wisest, most intelligent, and most patriotic citizens," that while they trembled for their country and its institutions, they have silently allowed the enemy to grow strong in the citadel, for fear of giving him offense, and thus ieopardize their party prospects! Is

this an evidence of wisdom, intelligence, and patriotism? The Courier continues, and we want every body to hear what it says:

"The increased emigration from Europe of men who do not even speak or understand our language-many of whom have acquired the right to vote without learning to speak English, and in utter ignorance of our institutions-have increased the convictions of most men, that a longer term of residence among us is a matter of vital importance to the perpetuity of our institutions. And we do not doubt that, if it were expedient so to do, General Pierce, and ninety-nine out of every hundred politicians in this country, would openly avow such conviction."

We believe so too, because ninety-nine out of every hundred politicians in this country are demagogues, who are watching for the "main chance," and who are ready to advocate any thing that is likely to secure their plunder;

and we have not the least doubt that if Americanism should become popular, and promise a fair return, those who have been most violent in its abuse would become its warmest advocates. But we go further than the Courier. We believe that ninety-nine out of every hundred of the people, who are not by trade politicians, entertain the same opinions, and it is to them, rather than the politicians, that our country must look for salvation. Let the intelligence and patriotism of the American people be once awakened to the subject, and they will become politicians of the Jeffersonian stamp, ready to elect men to office for their honesty and capacity.

We quote with pleasure the Courier's own convictions on the subject of naturalization :

"We hold, and have ever held, that the foreigner who lands upon our shores to-day with the intention of becoming a citizen, should, immediately upon filing a declaration of such intention, be entitled to every right and privilege of every kind and description whatsoever. which attaches to a native born American, with the solitary exception of the right of voting. To acquire that right, we would insist upon a longer probation than the exist ing laws require; and in the case of foreigners who do not speak our language, we would require the period of probation to date from filing proof of ability to read and write and understand the language; and in no case whatever would we ever naturalize a foreigner who can neither read nor write, always excepting, however, those who may arrive in the country pending the existing laws."

These sentiments we have, time and again, expressed, and we are glad to see a paper so influential as the Courier and Enquirer endorsing them, more especially since it brings

with it so large a collateral support as we find in the extract below:

"We are satisfied that the great mass of the honest men of all parties, and every intelligent foreigner we ever conversed with, think as we do upon this subject. They know and feel the danger of annually importing into our country a quarter of a million of foreigners [the Courier should have said half a million] who do not even understand our language; and, at the expiration of five years, giving them the right of suffrage before they have learned to understand English, and while they can neither read nor write their mother tongue, much less that of the country of their adoption."

THE PRESIDENCY FOR SALE. From the Freeman's Journal we learn that a regular bargain and sale of this high executive post is to take place at some time hereafter, not quite yet definitively ascertained. The gist of the matter is thus presented by the Journal:

will come.

"Irishmen learn in America to bide their time. Year by year the United States and England must touch each other more nearly on the seas. Year by year the Irish are becoming more powerful in America. At length the propitious moment Some accidental sudden collision, and a Presidential campaign close at hand. We will then use the very profligacy of our politicians for our purposes. They will want to buy the Irish vote, and we will tell them how they can buy it in a lump from Maine to California-[how?]-by declaring war on Great Britain, and wiping off at the same time the stains of concessions and dishonors that OUR Webster, and men of this kind, have permitted to be heaped upon the American flag by the insolence of British agents."

The above commends itself to the consideration of every American and friend of Republicanism. An organ of the Roman Catholic Church a journal of Irishmen in America-comes out boldly and advertises our presidency to be at the disposal of the Irish vote, advertises that vote for sale, and plainly states the price at which it may be bought. All of this is done "open and above board," in broad daylight, in this common and free country; and who on earth is there to be astonished at it? No one, to be sure! "The country's safe;" "the Irish are [only] becoming more powerful in America;" they only declare that "the propitious moment will come ""for our [.e., their Irish Catholic] purposes," such as some sudden collision," "a Presidential campaign near at hand," and so forth. But how is all of this to be brought about? Why, by "the very profligacy of our politicians." What a lesson is embodied in these last few words! what a rebuke to the