try and posterity, it is necessary to trace. But, under all the circumstances relative to that anterior existence of evils, their continuance under his administration, so far from furnishing matter of extenuation, must heap coals of fire on his head. "Where there is a regular "scheme of operations carried on, it is the system, and not any individual person who acts in it, that is truly dangerous." 1

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But if a minister "puts himself in the way to obstruct reformation, then the faults in the system instantly become his own." 2

I mean not to be elaborate, but rather to sketch than paint; rather to hint than argue; and indeed this whole letter will not be so long as many parliamentary speeches on much inferior topics: if in the miseries of our condition there be not arguments to convince, nor in the magnitude of our danger eloquence to influence the will, in vain should I attempt to persuade.

While the state of the nation is under contemplation, the subject naturally branches into internal and external; but as on the form of a government, and on the ability or inability, the integrity or the perfidy with which it is executed, more than on external circumstances, depends prosperity or the reverse, so the internal state of the nation most demands our attention. Foreign wars, how much soever they come under the description of external circumstances, will generally be found to have originated in some internal defect or vice; and are in no small degree prolific of internal evil.

The two foreign wars which are the most prominent features of the present disastrous reign, meaning that with America, and the present war, (considering it to have commenced in 1793) and which have in an eminent degree contributed to the present state of the nation, are cases in point as strong as history can afford. It is not merely to avoid complexity in my statement, but from the nature and reason of the case, that the last mentioned of these wars is here considered as still in existence. Had indeed our ministers, together with a

1 Burke on the cause of the present discontents. 2d. edit. 1770, p. 39. 2 Ibid. p. 13.

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discovery of their error in going to war, united the virtue of curing our internal ills, they might in my humble judgment, long since have negociated a safe, an honourable and a durable peace. 1

Defensive as the present war has long been, and sick of it as all parties are become, men are restrained by different motives from freely speaking their opinions, or taking decisive measures for putting an end to it. There is a natural feeling which disinclines a brave nation that is at war, from expressing a desire for peace; when it cannot be made with triumph and glory; and we are as naturally backward in making acknowledgments, which a vain enemy would be flattered by hearing. There is also a natural as well as prudent reluctance in not unnecessarily, and before it becomes a positive duty, exposing the weakness of public counsels. But the present comparative silence and inaction of the great body of the nation, chiefly results from the state of parties, and from a deficiency of magnanimity among that considerable proportion of the higher classes in society, who, by fallacious appearances, fraud and delusion, were once drawn into the vortex of the present minister's political machinations; and who, notwithstanding the consciousness they must now feel of having been imposed upon, the disappointment of their expectations, and their ultimate discovery of the wide difference there is, between an accomplished orator and a profound statesman, have not yet the candour to shew a change of sentiment, by a change of conduct.

From such causes, among others, it is, that the present war has not yet received the final reprobating stamp of public opinion; and indeed it would more become the nation, and would probably sooner produce a peace, if instead of clamouring against the war, it were to raise its voice in reprobation of the minister with whom it originated, but who can neither conduct it, nor conclude it. When we complain of ministers, there are courtly persons who talk of a royal prerogative, which, in respect to the appointment, or the continuance, or the change of ministers, is omnipotent; and

1 See England's Ægis xxvii, 58, 152, 158.

they would have us believe, that this prerogative is not of a political, but a personal character. But the constitution and law of England know nothing of personal prerogatives; and if political, or legal prerogatives, be exercised" to the grievance or dishonour of the king"dom, the parliament will call the advisers to a just. "and severe account;" for " if discretionary power "be abused to the public detriment, such prerogative is "exercised in an unconstitutional manner." 1 And the minister who should hold his office to the public injury, in defiance of public opinion, must unquestionably be considered as the king's adviser to continue him, and highly criminal as such; and to hold his office after a solemn address of either house of parliament, would as unquestionably be an impeachable offence. Whenever therefore addresses shall manifest to the king, that in the opinion of his people, the continuing in his service any of his ministers, would be "to the grievance or dis"honour of the kingdom," we may be well assured, his Majesty would remove such ministers, without waiting for addresses of a more solemn nature.

Now, with regard to the first of the two disastrous wars of this reign, that with America, the passions and prejudices which gave it birth, and so long continued it "to the grievance and dishonour of the kingdom," having now subsided, the verdict of the nation, at this time decidedly condemns that war as having been, on the part of England, glaringly unjust in its principle, and equally unwise in the view of its policy; a pregnant instance for shewing the insolidity of the arguments in favour of reposing confidence in men, merely because our sovereign has made them ministers. The time however came, when the people, ceasing to have confidence in the author and conductor of the American war, their opinion was made known to his Majesty, and the minister was removed. In the opinion of Mr. Burke, there is a "necessity of having some better reason, in "a free country, and a free parliament, for supporting "the ministers of the crown, than that short one, That the king has thought proper to appoint them.

1 Blacks. Com. I. 252, 253, 272.

"There is something very courtly in this. But it is a principle pregnant with all sorts of mischief, in a "constitution like ours, to turn the views of active men "from the country to the court."* Let then those inert children of patriotism, who now look on the removal of the present minister, during the continuance of the present reign, as a hopeless case, consider what sort of a compliment they pay the English constitution, and the English nation; and let them no longer talk nonsense, as an excuse for idleness.

*Thoughts on the Cause of the present Discontents. p. 46. Ed. 1770.

LETTER II.

MY LORD,

THE true cause of either of these wars cannot be rightly explained, nor can we beneficially understand how they have jointly occasioned the present State of the Nation, without adverting to those principles of government, which sprung up near the throne, from the moment on which it was ascended by his present Majesty; principles which, in the same quarter, continue to this day in full force.

The defenceless condition to which English Liberty, and consequently English Property, through a decay of REPRESENTATION, was, in fact, at the time of the accession reduced, was but too clearly seen by those to whom we owe the principles of government to which I allude; and it required no more than their measure of capacity to discover, that here was ready prepared to their hands a lever, whereby, whatever stood in the way of their designs might be overturned, provided only those principles could be made to take root in the royal mind. "PARLIAMENT was indeed the great object of "all these politics, the end at which they aimed, as "well as the instrument by which they were to oper

"ate." To the double object, therefore of prejudicing the royal mind, and making parliament their instrument, all their art was directed, and all their powers of insinuation were applied. The two preceding sovereigns of the house of Brunswick, had for the most part kept near their persons, and taken into their counsels, distinguished individuals of those illustrious families, who, on constitutional principles, had favoured the call of their family to the throne; as indeed persons holding such principles, seemed the most proper supports of a throne so founded.

This whig ascendancy, was artfully represented as eclipsing royalty; and, indeed every thing among the antient families savouring of united action, or of superior claims to consultation, was misrepresented as an incroachment on prerogative; and it was insinuated, that a king was no king, unless, according to the dictates of his personal will, he could elevate or depress, advance or discard, his ministers and official servants at his pleasure. How far a rooted prejudice against the persons of the Whigs, and by an easy transition against the principles of whigism, was in fact thus implanted, can only be judged of by experience; but certain it is, that whig, or constitutional principles, have not found favour at court at any period of the present reign; and how long any whig minister, who did not abandon his principles, has been able to keep in place, need not be pointed out.

In a prince who receives wrong impressions, there may be no blaine; opinion is involuntary; and indeed, considering the education of princes, it seems a sort of miracle, when they think justly on the subject of their own power: but heavy lies responsibility on those who, either originally cause, or traitorously continue, any violation of public right, which deprives the constitution of its conservative and controuling powers; as well as on those, who, under such circumstances of the constitution, through flattery and falsehood, pervert the minds of princes, so as to endanger the very foundation of a good government, to " the grievance and dishonour of the kingdom."

1 Thoughts on the Cause of the present Discontents, p. 66.