THE BRISTOL RIOTS,

THEIR

CAUSES, PROGRESS, AND CONSEQUENCES.

PART I.

ACCOUNTS of the Bristol Riots have already appeared; but they have been considered either defective in information or delusive in their spirit as written too near the events, or to serve purposes of local feeling. But the Bristol Riots perhaps less belong to local than to general history; and, even among the records of these important and stirring times, will be viewed and referred to with a deep interest. The writer of the following pages, therefore, is aware that he is treating a subject of great moment; that his Narrative can only acquire a value from its truth; and he has strenuously endeavoured that his statements, whatever may be his arguments and conclusions, shall be correct. He makes no apology for occasionally adopting, in their very language, such authentic documents as have already been published. Nor can he withhold the expression of his admiration for at least one account, that taken from the "Job Nott" paper, under the signature of Nehemiah, which, had it been somewhat more extensive, would have left no task to be performed.

B

In treating this subject fairly, it will be necessary to shew what was the general or the predominant political feeling at Bristol, up to the very moment of that sudden impulse, which brought Earl Grey's Ministry into office; and what change that impulse, and the consequent measures of the new Adminstration, effected. For the former purpose, it will be required to make a few remarks upon the state of Parties in that city; and it will appear evident, that had not the most violent alteration taken place in the public feeling of large masses of the citizens, Bristol would never have been disgraced by the encouragement, nor deformed by the horrors of the riots.

Besides the distribution of parties into Whig, Tory, and Radical, common to Bristol with nearly every part of the kingdom, two others, though not political, must be mentioned--the Corporation, and a Party opposed to some of their measures.

The first of these two are the local Magistracy, composed of persons of various political opinions, and may contain a mixture of Tories, Whigs, and Radicalsand such likewise is the composition of the party opposed to them. These two are strictly local; nor would they come within the scope of this narrative, had not the differences between them engendered heats, which, however harmless in other times, in those of unprecedented and unlooked for excitement must have had a tendency to weaken the influence of the Magistracy, and are perhaps now regretted, on this account, by the greater part of the persons who were concerned in them.

It is but fairness to the Magistrates that the facts and tendency of this controversy should be mentioned, other

wise the public could not arrive at a right estimate of the performance of their duties. For it is but reasonable the public expectation from Authorities, in this respect, should be measured by the power they possess.

Of the three political parties, the Tory was unquestionably the most influential and numerous; in proof of which it may be only necessary to refer to the general election of 1830.

Nor can the great respectability and influence of the Whigs be denied. As if, by a tacit consent, these parties were unwilling, for mere party purposes, to try their respective strength; and without any dereliction of principles on either side, they may be said to have been on the best understanding with each other. Thus for instance, at Mr. Davis's election, in July 1830, a very great proportion of the Whigs gave their second votes to the Tory Candidate. Indeed it appeared evident, that the Whigs were nearly as much disposed to support the Government, and were as adverse to the Radicals, as the Tories themselves. And the mention of this circumstance renders it not very necessary to say much about the strength of the Radical party. Without a question it contained some respectable persons, strongly inclined to Republican views; but the mass were composed of all shades of political opinion and all grades of character, downward to the worst extreme, of dissentient and unsocial parts, having little in common except a real dislike to both Whigs and Tories; all agreeing in a desire for change, and though ready to join either, to further their own ends, too undisguised, and it may be said too honest or too bold in their opinions, either to conceal their ultimate views, various and inconsistent as

In treating this subject fairly, it will be necessary to shew what was the general or the predominant political feeling at Bristol, up to the very moment of that sudden impulse, which brought Earl Grey's Ministry into office; and what change that impulse, and the consequent measures of the new Adminstration, effected. For the former purpose, it will be required to make a few remarks upon the state of Parties in that city; and it will appear evident, that had not the most violent alteration taken place in the public feeling of large masses of the citizens, Bristol would never have been disgraced by the encouragement, nor deformed by the horrors of the riots.

Besides the distribution of parties into Whig, Tory, and Radical, common to Bristol with nearly every part of the kingdom, two others, though not political, must be mentioned-the Corporation, and a Party opposed to some of their measures.

The first of these two are the local Magistracy, composed of persons of various political opinions, and may contain a mixture of Tories, Whigs, and Radicals— and such likewise is the composition of the party opposed to them. These two are strictly local; nor would they come within the scope of this narrative, had not the differences between them engendered heats, which, however harmless in other times, in those of unprecedented and unlooked for excitement must have had a tendency to weaken the influence of the Magistracy, and are perhaps now regretted, on this account, by the greater part of the persons who were concerned in them.

It is but fairness to the Magistrates that the facts and tendency of this controversy should be mentioned, other

wise the public could not arrive at a right estimate of the performance of their duties. For it is but reasonable the public expectation from Authorities, in this respect, should be measured by the power they possess.

Of the three political parties, the Tory was unquestionably the most influential and numerous; in proof of which it may be only necessary to refer to the general election of 1830.

Nor can the great respectability and influence of the Whigs be denied. As if, by a tacit consent, these parties were unwilling, for mere party purposes, to try their respective strength; and without any dereliction of principles on either side, they may be said to have been on the best understanding with each other. Thus for instance, at Mr. Davis's election, in July 1830, a very great proportion of the Whigs gave their second votes to the Tory Candidate. Indeed it appeared evident, that the Whigs were nearly as much disposed to support the Government, and were as adverse to the Radicals, as the Tories themselves. And the mention of this circumstance renders it not very necessary to say much about the strength of the Radical party. Without a question it contained some respectable persons, strongly inclined to Republican views; but the mass were composed of all shades of political opinion and all grades of character, downward to the worst extreme, of dissentient and unsocial parts, having little in common except a real dislike to both Whigs and Tories; all agreeing in a desire for change, and though ready to join either, to further their own ends, too undisguised, and it may be said too honest or too bold in their opinions, either to conceal their ultimate views, various and inconsistent as