s office in that depar.ment, and a positive refusal to assign any reason for u! The gen feman removed is now a member of this house, (Mr. Slade, of Vermont,) and the voice of the people has sustained him whom the despotism of executive patronage sought to destroy, The manner in which this patronage is abused, and the readiness and almost telegraphic despatch with which the wires of party machinery are felt throughout and from the most distant parts of the union, may be imagined after reading this laconic note, written by Mr. Van Buren, soon after entering on the duties of secretary of state, to a gentleman in Louisiana:

Washington, April 20, 1829. My dear sir: I have the honor of acknowledging the receipt of your letter of the 21st ult. and of informing you that the removals and appointments you recommended were made on the day your letter was received. "With respect, your friend, &c. "M. VAN BUREN." And, so far from being willing to reduce the number of clerks in his department, as the people were induced to believe would be done, Mr. Van Buren, when called on for that purpose, saw the whole affair through a new medium, and replied: My opinion is, that there can be no reduction in the number of officers employed in the department, (of state,) without detriment to the public interest!!" And yet the retrenchment committee, when Mr. Clay was in that department, reported "that they felt satisfied that, nad the officer at its head concurred with them in the opinion, they might have presented a plan for not only a gradual reduction of the number of clerks, but for an actual increase in the efficiency of their labors."

a convenient mode of sending favorites abroad to tra-
vel for their pleasure, health, or instruction, out of the
public coffers."
Practice. The President and his secretary of state,
both Jackson-reformers, now take a favorite clerk of
the state department, whose salary at the time was at
the rate of $1,760 per year, send him as bearer of des-
patches to Mexico, and, for about three months' ser-
vice, pay him $1,212 88, and suffer him also to draw
his clerk's salary for the period of his absence! For
this I refer you to the case of Robt. Greenhow, who is
the translating clerk of that departmen; all the facts of
the case being stated in the reports of the secretary. He
excuses this transaction, by saying that the translations
which were required during Mr. Geenhow's absence
were made at his expense. It might be well to inquire
whether any translations were required during that pe-
riod, and why also it would not have been quite as well
to discontinue the salary for the time, and let the go-
vernment pay for any translations which were needed.
But do we not here distinctly realize what the retrench
ment report condemned in these words: "that an ac-
tual incumbent is considered to have such a sort of
property in the office as to enable him to farm out its
duties, and to receive a part of its revenues for doing
nothing?"

Another illustration of this "convenient mode of sending favori es abroad," "out of the public coffers," is found in the sanie list of contingent expenses of foreign intercourse. I allude to the case of Mr. Charles Biddle, who, when nominated by general Jackson for a judgeship in Florida, was rejected by the senate. "After this rejection Mr. Biddle, was despatched by But other discrepancies between the profession and the executive to Central America and New Grenada. practice of these reformers remain to be noticed. It What service he rendered we know not; but it appears will be found that the report of the gentleman from that for this mission an allowance of $7,122 95 has been New York, (Mr. Cambreleng,) and his friends, con-made. Mr. Charles Biddle is the same gentleman who demned "the practice iniroduced by the secretaries of had a controversy with Mr. senator Grundy, in which the departments, of sending the reports of their clerks the devotion of the latter to general Jackson was quesor heads of bureaus, instead of condensing them, and tioned. We learn by one of the printed documents, making them substantially their own communication." occasioned by that dispute, that the senator, for the purThis practice, if bad, has never been corrected, but is pose of proving himself to be what is called a "whole daily indulged in by all the departments, as the an- hog Jackson-man," said he "had swallowed the hog swers to the calls and resolutions of this house abun- not only whole, but wrong end foremost, taking the dantly show. But a still more remarkable commentary bristles against the grain; and had gone for all general follows. When the department of war passed into the Jackson's bob-tail nominations. even to Charles Biddle." hands of John H. Eaton, a zealous reformer, he, too, You may remember, Mr. Speaker, that great fault was called upon to carry out his retrenchment system, was found with Mr. Clay for an allowance to John H. and reduce the number of his clerks, in fulfilment of Pleasants, who was employed as bearer of despatches, the public expectation, which he and others had exci- and sat out on his voyage, but, being taken ill, was ted. To the surprise of all, he referred the subject to obliged to abandon it, though he caused his despatches the clerks themselves! and here, sir, is his reply: to be safely delivered. In the account, which I am now examining, we find the sum of $1,522 72, paid by Mr. Forsyth, the secretary of state, to Eleazer Early, sent with despatches for our charge d'affaires at Bogota, but which were never delivered. The sickness of Mr. Pleasants furnished no palliation, in the minds of the reformers, for the payment made to him, though he caused his despatches to be safely delivered. Yet these same gentlemen find ample pretext in the alleged shipwreck of Mr. Early, to pay him $311 35 for expenses, $527 37 for clothing, bedding, and books, lost or abandoned by him, and $714 for one hundred and nineteen days compensation, at $6 per day, though his despatches were never delivered!!

"War Department, Jan. 27, 1830. "Sir: I have the honor to lay before you reports from the several bureaus connected with the war department, on the subject of a resolution of the 5th inst. referred to me by the committee on retrenchment. Respectfully,

"J. H. EATON."

Charles A. Wickliffe, Esq. These bureaus, so far from agreeing to part with any of their escutcheons, actually asked for an additional supply! Thus ended that farce!

Another precept.-This retrenchment report alleged that our diplomatic relations and foreign intercourse were unnecessarily expensive, and recommended "a fixed appropriation for the contingencies of each mission," "in no case exceeding $600, (annually) to cover the expenses of stationery, postage, office, clerk, hire, and all other contingencies whatsoever."

Let us see the practice. Andrew Stevenson, our minister at London, is allowed for these contingencies, including "presents to the menial officers and servants of the court, and others, on his presentation, and at Christmas," $2,093 56, in the space of about a year! The like expenses of nearly all our other foreign missions are in correspondent ratio.

Profession. The grade of our foreign ministers was to be reduced in some instances, especially that at Madrid, to a charge, with a salary of $1,500.

Practice. A minister plenipotentiary has been kept at Madrid canstantly, and John H. Eaton is now there on a salary of $9,000, having also received his outfit of the same amount. And during the 1st session of congress an attempt was made to increase the salaries of all our foreign ministers!! Who could have anticipated this from an administration that proclaimed on this floor, (at least one of its most powerful and influential supporters, the late Mr. Randolph, who joined in the cry of retrenchment here prociaimed, and what he said received the full approbation of "the party:")

At this same time, too, Mr. Early appears to have been receiving a salary of $1,500 a year as librarian of the house of representatives!! It would seem that Mr. secretary Forsyth is not a stranger to this "convenient mode of sending favorites abroad, to travel for their pleasure, health, or instruction, out of the public coffers."

I also find that $2,515 are charged for contingent expenses of William T. Barry, late minister to Spain. Now, sir, it is well known that Mr. Barry never reached Spain, but died on his way there. He, of course, received the usual salary and outfit; and I am at a loss to know what contingent expenses, incurred by him, could just'y be charged to the United States.

There appears, also, to have been paid to John R. Cay, in 1836, $3,331 41, as "compensation for certain diplomatic services." This gentleman, at that time, held the place of secretary of legation at St. Petersburgh, with a salary of $2,000 a year, and the payment to him of the further sum of $3,301 41 may be justly questioned.

Other items, indicative of extravagance or favoritism, may be seen in this contingent expense account of fo reign missions, but I will not stop to specify them.

library of the sta e deparment, and many books purchased, which are certainly unnecessary.

Besides the purchase of books, periodicals, and newspapers, made for this department by its disbursing agent at home, there was expended in London, during last year, for similar objects, nearly $500. A librarian is employed, at a salary of $2,540, equal to that paid to the librarian of the great public library of congress. All this too, sir, under the auspices of gentlemen who said that this part of the expenses of that department was censurable, and ought to be dispensed with, as all the officers of the government could well avail themselves of the public library at the capitol. But, Mr. Speaker, the times changed, and Mr. Van Buren and Mr. For syth changed with them. The state department is now laid off into grand divisions. When Mr. Clay had charge of it, the Blue Book exhibited a list of a dozen nanies, all under the head of clerks. One of these acted as translator for the department, and his salary was $1,150; another paid out the funds, and was charged with the contingent expense accounts, and he received $1,150 a year. How soon is all this simplicity and economy forgotten! The Blue Book of last year divides this department into a “diplomatic bureau," a "consular bureau," a "home bureau," a "translator," whose salary is $1,760, a "disbursing agent," whose salary is $1,595, a "librarian," whose salary is $1,540, a "keeper of the archives," whose salary is $1,540, and gives one man $960 a year for "packing, filing, arranging, and preserving newspapers and printed documents." This is done by that boasted "democratic party" which affects such holy horror at any appearance of what they call "aristocratic grandeur." If the Turk, whose letters are found in Salmagundi, had seen this display of "bureaus" in the state department, he would have been better justified in his admiration at "the grand and magnificent scale on which these Americans transact their business." But I have yet to add, that those who questioned the right of the state department to purchase a print of the immortal Washington have used the money of the people to buy prints of general Jackson, and now of Martin Van Buren, for almost every room in each of the departments!!

Mr. Speaker, during this "searching operation" and capitous fault-finding, every petty expense of the several departments was looked upon with open censure. I well remember that an item of some few dollars, paid a laborer for destroying the grass which was growing between the bricks of the paved walk leading to the atate department, was held up to public view as a piece of aristocratic extravagance. Now, sir, suppose I were to cite to you many similar and equally (if not more) objectionable charges in the present accounts of these departments-such as cash paid for clearing the snow off the pavemente, so that Mr. Forsyth need not wet his feet; "$90 a quarter for labor," $54 for sundries," $16 for work," without stating what labor or work. It might have been for killing grass, or raising vege:ables for the secretary. The term "sundries" may conceal the same things, and the curious might inquire what use was made of the fire-proof paint for which $78 were paid by the secretary of state. But the money is well laid out, if it will preserve the edifice! And it is to be regretted that the secretary of the treasury and the postmaster general had not made similar purchases in time to save their respective buildings. Penknives and scissors, by the dozen and half dozen, are purchased by the secretary of state, who also pays a clerk to go to Baltimore to collect a draft. An item of $100 paid by the secretary of the treasury for the transportation of money; but how much money, or from whence, or where transported, we know not This last charge is a kind of foretaste of the hardmoney sub-treasury system, by which, instead of transmitting the funds of the government by means of the cheap, safe, and rapid system of exchange, which prevailed before the banks were "debauched" by Mr. Kendall, the public money is now to be wagoned over the country at great cxpense and hazard, and always with delay.

The late eminent and virtuous attorney-general William Wirt, did not escape the censure of these indefatigable reformers. He had rendered some professional services, in which the United States were interested, but which were not such as his official station charged apon him. For this service an inconsiderable sum was paid to him, but its propriety was questioned. The salary of the attorney-general was then $3,500, and he was allowed $800 for a clerk. How stands the case It will also be found that, in the days of this "search- now? The salary of Mr. Benjamin F. Butler, the preing operation" and "reform," the standing committees sent attorney-general, is $4,000, and in 1834 he was of this house on the expenditures of the several depart-paid $4,150 19 for compensation, besides being allowed "So long as members of congress, and not of this ments attended to their vocation. But, very soon after $1,300 for a clerk and messenger, and $500 for the conhouse only or chiefly, will bow, and cringe, and duck, general Jackson came into power, these committees tingent expenses of his office. The same additional and fawn, and get out of the way at a pinching vote, became so much a matter of inere form that the chair- allowance and change, amounting together to $1,800, or lend a helping hand, at a pinceing vote, to obtain these man of one of them declared here, during the last con- is made in 1835. Independent of the increased salary places, I never will consent to enlarge the salary at- gress, he had never even thought it worth his while to and the enlarged provision for a messenger, whence tached to them. We are told that they live at St. Peters- convene his committee, and he appeared quite surprised, comes Mr. Butler's right to charge an excess of $150 19 burgh and London, and that living there is very expen-or at all events amused, that any inquiry was expected for compensation. ocsides $500 for contingent expenses? sive. Well, sir, who sent them there? Were they im- to be made in regard to the expenses of these depart- In the year 1836 we hear nothing of contingent expressed, sir? Were they taken by a press-gang on ments!! This state of things forms a strong contrast with penses, but a provision of $1.407 is made for his clerk Tower-hill, knocked down, hand-cuffed, chucked on the report made here in April, 1828, by Mr. Blair, of Ten- and messenger, and for Mr. Butler's compensation that board a tender, and told that they must take the pay aessee, chairman of the committee on public accounts year he received $4,332, when his salary was only and rations which his majesty was pleased to allow?" and expenditures in the state department. He, you $4.000. Why was this excess of $332 paid to him? He Now I appeal to you, Mr. Speaker, if the moral ap- know, Mr. Speaker, was a Jackson reformer; like the appears to have been used as a sort of Caleb Quotem. plication of these remarks has not been justly felt "in select committee, he found every thing wrong, and pro- He has been allowed to enjoy the salary of his own Congress and not in this house only or chiefly," under mised to correct it. The purchase of books, the em- office and that of the secretary of war at one and the the retrenchment and reform administration? ployment of a librarian, and many other things, were same time, being at the rate of $10 000 per year, purcensured-ven the right to purchase a print or likeness suing too his profession, and receiving its emoluments. of general Washin zion, to be suspended in the depart- No wonder we see in him "the complying law officer ment, was questioned. How stands the matter now? of the crown." When did he ever give an opinion Why, large sums of money are yearly expended for the contrary to the wish of the president, if he knew what

Another precept of the reforming report. The commitsee thought the mode of appointing and compensating bearers of despatches liable to strong objections, prone to degenerate into a species of favoritism little short of

that was? Let me give an illustration. As the story is
told, when the Baltimore railroad was about to be lo-
cated at its termination in this city, the company con-
sulted Mr. Butler on some point as to this right of way,
under their charter. After full deliberation, his pro-
fessional opinion was obtained in writing. It happened
that general Jackson felt some concern about the loca-
tion of this right of way, and he expressed an opinion
on the same point, requiring a termination of the road,
which the company did not wish, and which Mr. But-
ler had advised then they need not adopt. Gen. Jack-
son was furnished with the opinion of the attorney-
general; but, instead of yielding, he endorsed on it,
Mr. Butler has not examined this case with his usual
care; let this paper be referred back to him, with a
copy of the charter, for his re-examination." In due
time, sir, the attorney-general agrees with the presiden',
and gives an opinion in conformity with that which
general Jackson had expressed! After this, Mr. Speak
er, we need not be surprised at the absurd opinion of
Mr. Batler, given as a foundation or justification for
general Jackson to pocket the bill repealing the trea-
sury circalar, and which had passed both houses of
congress almost by acclamation. Nor, indeed, should
we be astonished at any opinion of his, unless he
should have happened to give one different from what
he supposed the president wanted.
I wish now, to make a few comments on the profes-
sions and practice of Mr. Amos Kendall late fourth
auditor, and now postinaster general. This gentle-
man, you know, sir, was an eleventh-hour Jackson
man. He, however, was among the first who got of
fice; and immediately after his appointment, a letter of
his is published, in which, after holding himself and a
few friends up as having been persecuted, he exclaims,
"what has Heaven done? So disposed of events, as to
make Barry postmaster general, and myself a more
humble auditor" As to Mr. Barry, no inatter "what
even:s" made him postmaster general, we know that
under his management that department was deranged
and rendered insolvent!

general. Suppose we look at the statement of the con-object. He would cave it to the house and to the pe
tingen: expenses of his office for the last year. Do you ple to say whetl the practices" of this administration
think we shall find any subscriptions for newspapers "had conformed to their precepis."
there" paid for out of the treasury?" Listen to a few
items:
$10 00
10 00
14 81

Southern Literary Messenger,
New York Journal of Cominerce,
Alleghany Democrat,
Pennsylvanian,
Indian Biography,
Metropolitan Magazine,

Three copies of the Daily Globe!!!
Richmond Enquirer,

8.00

6 00
8.00

30 00
5 00

Sundry others which I will not stop to name: the whole number being twenty or upwards, and the total of subscription within a small fraction of $200! He was frightened at a pile of 16 newspapers, but he can now take 20 at a dose! Can it be possible that a man, who came into office declaring, like the Pharisee of old, that "he was not like other men," and would even "tithe. mint, and cummio," begins already to "neglect the weightier matters of the law?" What becomes of his inflated promise "to prove" tha' his "declarations had not been hollow pretences?" Of what value was his declaration, made in his letter before referred to, and in which he says, "Vain I may be, proud I am, that the president has given me an opportunity to aid him in proving that reform is not an empty sound, and is not to apply merely to a change of men?" Why, sir, I quote as a reply to these questions his own words, in another passage of his own letter: "The world well know him at last, and assign him his true rank." "Truth is omnipotent, and public justice certain." Among Mr. Kendall's reforms may be mentioned his leading agency in the removal of the public deposi'es from the Bank of the United States. To effect this, he carried on a system of "billing and cooing" with the state banks, and, in the language of a certain senator, (Mr. Benton,) "debauched them." "Yes, sir, debauch is the word." I apply it to the government and banks, though the senator thought the people had been debauched, and applied it to them. For this work of "debauch," which proved so serious a curse to the country, this agent was employed thirty-two days, and was paid for this service the sum of $316 11, being about ten dollars a day for a job which has occasioned much of the embarrassment under which the country In this letter of Mr. Kendall, he says: now labors. He got $10 a day for doing this injury to "I feel bound by my obligations to my country, and the public-a hard-working laborer finds it difficult to by the pledges so often repeated by all the principal get his dollar a day. But still, Mr. Kendall belongs to men of our party, to promote, with all my talents and the "democratic party,” and whilst he received his $10 industry, the reforms which the people demand. I will a day for that work, he also received the regular salary prove that our declarations have not been hollow pre- of his office. This appears to be an established usage tences. Besides, I hold the interference of federal offi- of this administration. The case of the attorney genecers with state politics to be improper in principle." ral is already mentioned. The reports from the deFor the reform under this last paragraph, I refer you partments show several other cases, though I will now to Mr. Kendall's letters and toasts sent to various po-only add that of the commissioner of Indian affairs, who litical meetings and dinners throughout the country, was for a while acting secretary of war, and during for a few years past, on the eve of state elections. this period drew the salaries of each office, being at the rate of $9,000 a year.

But now for this "humble auditor," or, as from his own question, he is sometimes called, "this Heavenborn" Amos. If history does him justice, it will be found that he desired office under Mr. Clay, which, it not being in the power of the latter to provide, Mr. Kendali espoused the cause of general Jackson.

When Mr. Kendall entered upon the duties of his auditor's office, he caused to be published in the United States Telegraph, the then official organ, a letter, in which he says, The interest of the country demands that this office shall be filled with men of business, and not with bubbling politicians." Sir, the whole letter was the work of a bubbling politician, expressly designed for political and demagogue ends, which the writer, in the same breath, said he had quit and left for others! will read a few passages from it. "Ia five days I have returned to the post office twenty letters and three pamphlets, enclosed to the fourth auditor, and directed to other persons!" How long after this letter was it be fore Mr. Kendall, for the purpose of building up the Globe newspaper, and the fortune of his friend Francis P. Blair, (another eleventh-hour Jackson man, whom he had brought from his former residence at Frankfort, Kentucky,) sent under his frank to Kentucky, and perhaps elsewhere, the prospectus of this newspaper?

In that same letter Mr. Kendall also says: "Upon entering this office, on Monday last, one of the first objects which struck my eye was a pile of newspapers on my table. Among thein, I counted sixteen different papers, all of which I was told were subscribed for by the fourth auditor, and paid for out of the trea

sury.

He sent them back, as he then stated, with a note to each; of which the following is a copy:

Treasury Department,

I

Fourth Auditor's Office, March 24, 1829. Sir: Not believing that I am authorized to charge the governinent with subscriptions to newspapers and other publications, which are not useful to me in the discharge of my official duties; and not perceiving that can derive any assistance from your journal in settling the accounts of the United States navy, I have to request that you will discontinue sending it to this office. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, AMOS KENDALL. Here, Mr. Speaker, is a fine display of the "pride, pomp, and circunstance" of office, if not of official insolence. But yesterday he was himself the editor and publisher of a newspaper: he next appears, in his own fanguage, an humble auditor." But, sir, does not the letter just read show that he had forgotten his humility, and become puffed up with official consequence! Why did he not simply tell his brother editors, in brief and respectful language, that he had discontinued the subscription for their paper?

But a further thought is suggested by this letter of Mr. Amos Kendall, and his reason for discontinuing newspaper subscripúons. He is now, sir, postmaster

But, Mr. Speaker, no man better knows all the uses of office than Mr. Kendall. I have read a political tract, writen, I think, by Dean Swift, entitled somewhat in this way: "The convenience of a place at court, or a sure mode of providing garments for a whole family." Mr. Kendall appears to understand the "modus operandi" of this matter. The printed list of clerks in his department exhibits his father-in-law and two nephews, with salaries of $1,000, $1,200. and $1,400: and thus we see a family provision of nearly $10,000 a year, including his own salary. But Mr. Kendall is not the only officer who thus takes care of his own household. If provision of this kind be evidence of "faith" few of them will be found "infidels." The president's son has an office, which I have already mentioned, of $1,500 a year. The secretary of state's son. until very lately, held the place of district attorney in Alabama. A near relation by marriage of the secretary of the treasury has a comfortable annuity of $1,100 in the navy department; another holds the appoinment of naval officer in Boston, with a salary of $3,000 per year, besides being president of the Lafayette Bank of that city; and a third is the cashier of the Franklin Bank of that city, which became a special pet under the pet bank system. These gentlemen would all make excellent sub-treasurers!

Mr. Bond said, when the proposition for retrenchment was under consideration here in 1828, the triends of Mr. Adams, by way of proving that he and they desired ever just economy and reform, pointed to his message recommeuding it. How we they answered?! Why, sir, Mr. Ingham, who soon after vards as made secretary of the treasury, said it was indeed true that the message did recommend it, but he wanted to see more practice and less profession in this matter. There were no specified reforms found in the message; he could only find there one of those formal recommendations, which were as unmeaning, he said, as the words "your humble servant" at the foot of a letter. Mr. Randolph, in the same debate, used this language, on the subject of ichment and reform:

Was the recommendation in general Jackson's inau gural address one of those "lofty generalities" just spoken of, and defined by Mr. Randolph? The unit cabinet" must have lost the art of reading, otherwise "reform” was not quite so "legibly inscribed" as the general imagined. That pa ronage of the federal government which was said to be brought into conflict with the freedom of state elections has greatly increas ed, and is still unrestrained, in the same conflict.

The gentleman from Tennessce (Mr. Beli) has for years labored to bring this house to the consideration of a bill to secure the freedom of elections, and thus carry into effect the recommendation of general Jackson's inaugural address. Able as that gentlemen is, and untiring as he has been in his efforts, the measure proposed by him has received the frowns instead of the favor of this administration. He and the venerable senator from the same state (Mr. White) were the early and devoted friends of general Jackson, and they still desire to carry into practical effect the principles which they, with general Jackson, professed to be governed by. They feel and know the imminent danger which threatens the country, in the increased strength of the patronage of office. They see, and we all see, that the office-nolders are "abroad in the land." For a description of this growing phalanx and its powerful incentive to action, I will draw on high authority. A member of the senate, (Mr. Grundy,) a zealous friend of general Jackson, the evidence of which has been already given in his own words, held this language, when aiming to pull down the adminisiration; "When I see (said he) an office-holder interfering in elections, it has occurred to me that he was thinking of his salary, and is, therefore, an unfit adviser of the people."

Mr. Speaker, that which occurred to Mr. Grundy no doubt of en occurred to you at the same period. The proposition is a very natural one, and I think that recent events have strengthened rather than impaired its truth. But I beg the further indulgence of the house while I read what another distinguished friend of general Jackson said, when debating the subject of re renchment and reforin on this floor. I allude to Mr. Bu chanan, now a senator from Pennsylvania, and, with his continued and growing devotion to the par y, what he said will certainly be considered "orthodox." I find, by that debate, that he said it was well known

"That when a man is once appointed to office, all the selfish passions of his nature are enlisted for the purpose of retaining it. The office-holders (said he) are the enlisted soldiers of that administration by which they are sustained. Their comfortable existence of en depends upon the re-election of their patron. Nor does disappointment long rankle in the hearts of the disappointed. Hope is still left to them; and bearing disappointment with patience they know will present a new claim to office at a future time.

This passage of Mr. Buchanan's speech proves him to have been an observer of men and things, and familiar with the leading principles of human action. He dreaded the consequences of the selfish spirit of the office-holder, and induced the country to believe that gen. Jackson and his friends would provide a suitable restraint upon it. But I fe.r, sir, the people will be left to conclude that this gentleman is one of those "political parsons" described by Mr. Randolph, whose "practices" do not correspond with his "precepts." It is certain under the favorite administration of the gentleman and his friends, the office-holders have received new life, instead of a check. But I must yet point out another discrepancy between Mr. Buchanan's profes sion and practice. In the same debate, he reviewed, with censure, several of the foreign missions, that to Russia included; and particularly condemned any practice allowing a minister to "return after one year's absence." His language is: "If such a practice should prevail, our ministers, in violation of the spirit of the existing law, will receive by addig the outfit to the salary, $18,000, instead of $9000, for one year's service." "I am," said he, "against the practice." This, Mr. Speaker, was his precept. But, sir, in a brief space of time, after condeniuing and saying I am against the practice," we see him take the bounty, and become one of the "enlisted soldiers" whom he had described, and go on a foreign mission to Russia, where, after staying a twelve-month and a day," he pockets the 318.005, instead of $9,000 for a year's service," and comes home!

This seems to be an rpropriate me to compare the

ccepts · practice : Mr. Ra pn, too, who sad he was for looking at the practices, and not the precepts, of the par political or religious." In that same debate, Mr. Ran, Iph said he "could not permit any motive connected with the division of the spoil, to mingle with" his exertions. He would not, he said, give up his constituents and the pleasure of his home, "for a clerkship in the war office, or a foreign mission; or even for a department of state." He said, "there had been an improvement in the plan of sending ministers The president did recommend them, in one of those abroad, and bringing them back, when they have finlofty generalities with which all sermons, political or re-ished their business; for," said he, "they are now ligious, abound; which might be printed in blank, like sent abroad on sleeveless errands, that they may come law process, and filled as occasions might require. But, back re-infecta, to pocke their emoluments." Mr. Spea sir, (said he,) I am for looking at the practices, and not ker, the Greeks and Ronas both held it to be highly at the precepts of the parson, political or religious." useful, but exceedingly difficult, matter to know one's Mr. Bond said this rule of Mr. Randolph was per- self. Modern bistory and our own times, add new fectly just; it was thus shown, too, to be avowed by this force to the truth of tha pition. I do not at all ques administration, and he was willing to judge them by tion the perfect sincerity of Mr. Randolph, when he uttheir own rule, and thought to this they ought not to tered the sentiments, out great as he may have been,

ted under their banner.

The senate resumed the consideration of the bill making provision for the further collection of the public revenue. The question being on Mr. Buchan in's subs itute for the bill,

1. That the collectors and receivers of the public money should be allowed to make special deposites of bank notes in the banks during the sixty days, at the end of which they were to be converted into specie. Rejected as follows:

YFAS-Messrs. Bayard, Brown, Clay, of Ky., Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, McKean, Merrick, Nicholas, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Robbins, Ruggles, Southard, Spence, Strange, Swift, Tallmadge, Webster, White-21.

and skilful as he professed to be, and, no doubt, was, petintendence of the grounds, and another appropria- census as to collect information in detail in regard in the motives of human action, after events proved tion of $20,000 for new furniture; and this, too, in ne to the agriculture, commerce, and manufactures of how little he knew of himself. Sir, we soon found Mr. very year when your public treasury will be bankrupt. the country. Randolph giving up his constituents, and leaving all the You will increase the expenses of foreign missions and After a few words in opposition to the resolution boasted endearments of his district, for a foreign mis-suffer your ministers to return home on such brief ser- by Messrs. Sevier and Benton, on motion of Mr. sion to Russia, where, so far as any public advantage vice as will show their appointments to have been made Sevier, the resolution was indefinitely postponed. resulted from it, he emphatically went on a "sleeveless for individual gam rather than public good. You will errand," and "came back reinfecta, to pocket his emol increase the contingent expenses of this house from On motion of Mr. Preston, the bill explanatory uments!" Indeed, this mission to Russia seems to have $30 000, the present annual amount, to $210,000. You of the acts providing for the payment of brevet been specially dedicated by "the party" to short terms will add to the like expenses of the senate and to all officers was taken up, and made an order for toof six and twelve months, for the advantage of some other public expenditures in the same ratio; and the morrow. of the "enlisted soldiers" described by Mr. Buchanan. sum total for the whole civil list and ordinary approIn this way, the cost of that mission has been inordi- priations of the government, which is now $12.163,433, nately increased; and it is high time that this drain on will be increased from time to time under your boasted the public treasury for private benefit should be checked. reform, until it shall exceed thirty millions per year! Mr. Bond said it was not to be disguised that many of You now question the right of a department to pur- Mr. Webster addressed the senate at length, chiefthe politicians who engaged in the debate and strife of chase a print or likeness of the immortal Washington, ly in an examination of the character and bearings the times to which he had alluded, had been surprised, but will decorate every room in all the departments with of the substitute offered by Mr. Buchanan. Mr. if not disappointed, by events which soon followed. A portraits of Martin Van Buren. You will, by means singular exchange of position has taken place between of the "office holders," the "enlisted soldiers," as you Buchanan spoke in reply to Mr. Webster, and artwo of these gentlemen. When the retrenchment re- have just called them, bring the patronage of the gen-gued at large in favor of his substitute. Mr. Tallsolution was discussed, a friend of the then adininistra eral government into conflict with the freedom of elec- madge spoke against the substitute, and in favor of tion, Mr. Pearce, of Rhode Island, took ground, not in tions, and you will resist the bill that shall be brought the bill, presenting it especially in the aspect of a terms, but somewhat similar to that now avowed and in to secure the freedom of those clections. You, Mr. reinstatement of the state bank deposite system. pracused by the dominant party, "that the spoils belong Randolph, will go upon what you now call a "sleeveless Mr. Strange, after a few preliminary remarks, offerto the victors." Mr. Wickliffe, a Jackson reformer, errand," and, after saluting the emperor of Russia, will ed the following amendments to the substitute of denied and condemned such a right. He was ap- make a pleasant sojourn in "old England," and return Mr. Buchanan: pointed a member of the retrenchment and reform com- to your estate in Virginia. You, Mr. Buchanan, will Init ee, and, after gen. Jackson came into power, Mr. become "an office holder and enlisted soldier," go on Wickliffe zealously endeavored to carry out the promis- the very mission to Russia which you are now censur ed reform; but not finding the co-operation he had ex-ing, and will pocket the $18,000 for "a twelve-month pected, he abjured "the party." About this time, it and a day's" service. You, (to the gentleman from happened that the reformers avowed the doctrine "that New York,) Mr. Cambreleng, will oppose a vote against the spoils belong to the victors," and Mr. Pearce enlis- the very measure which you now report and recom mend, for reducing the pay of members, as a means of Sir, has not the country been disappointed? Have shortening the session of congress. You, Mr. Stevennot the people been deceived and allured by specious son, will be made speaker of this house, and appoint its and vain promises? Has not the federal executive pa- committees, and dispense its rules, with the promise of tronage inordinately increased, and is it not still una foreign mission in your pocket. You, Mr. Benton, restrained? Is not the power over it abused and per-will vote to lay on the table the bill which you now reverted? Do not the expenses of our general govern- port to take the patronage of the press from the govern ment far transcend in amount all our past history? ment, and your report on executive patronage, with its Why are these things so, and why has not this "plague six accompanying bills so imposin ly introduced, will been stayed," Mr. Speaker, according to your plighted prove to have been but as "sounding brass and tinkling faith? I will tell you why, sir, but I prefer doing so in cymbals!" You, Mr. Van Buren, who now, as a menthe language and illustration of one of your own friends, ber of the committee on executive patronage, report a Mr. Buchanan, of the senate to whom I have before bill requiring reasons to be assigned for removing an inreferred. In his speech here, to which I have already cumbent from office, will be made secretary of state, al.uded, and when he was assaulting the (then) admin- and in due time president, but, from the moment you istration, he thus exclaimed: "The very possession of obtain power, you will forget your bill, and not only viopower has a strong, a natural tendency to corrupt the late but refuse to be governed by its principles. You, heart. The lust of dominion grows with its possession; Mr. Dickerson, also a member of that committee, will and the man who, in humble life, was pure, and inno-be made secretary of the navy; but the department will cent and just, has often been transformed, by the long be so mismanaged under your direction, that it will be possession of power, into a monster. In the sacred truly said of you on the floor of congress, "there is none book, which contains lessons of wisdom for the politi- so poor as to do him reverence." You, Mr. Woodbury, ciao as well as for the christian, we find a happy illus- will take first the navy and then the treasury departtration of the corrapung influence of power upon the ment, and, under your supervision, an attempt to humhuman heart. When Hazael came to consult Elisha bug the people with the promise of an exclusive hard whether his master, the King of Syria, would recover money currency w il result in the banishment of all spefron a dangerous illness, the prophet, looking through cie, a bankrupt treasury, and a circulation of shinplasthe vista of futurity, saw the crimes of which the mesters and treasury notes. senger, who stood before him, would be guilty, and he wept. Hazael asked, 'why weepeth my lord?" The prophet then recounted to him the murders and the cruelties of which he should be guilty towards the children of Israel. Hazael, in the spirit of virtuous indig nation, replied: "Is thy servant a dog, that he should do this thing?" And Elisha answered, "The Lord hath shown me tha thou shalt be king over Syria.' This man afterwards became king by the murder of his master, and was guilty of enormities, the bare recital of

which would make us shudder."

How true, and, alas! how applicable is this sacred illustration to those who invoked its use in elevating themselves to power!

Imagine, then, Mr. Speaker such a response to have been made at the period of time which I have suggested. What would have been your reply, and what would Mr. Buchanan, who made the scriptural allusion, have said? Methinks I almost see and hear him exclaim, Is thy servant a dog that he should do this thing?

We are told that, notwithstanding the indignation of Hazael. he reached the throne of Syria by murdering the king his master, and soon committed all the enormities foretold by the prophet!

So, I fear that, in despite of the protestations of Amos Kendall, the promised "reform" was "an empty sound," "intended to apply merely to a change of men." But I

houn, Clay, of Ala, Cuthbert, Fulton, Grundy,
NAYS-Messrs. Allen, Benton, Buchanan, Cal-
Hubbard, King, Knight, Lumpkin, Lyon, Monton,
Niles, Norvell, Pierce, Roane, Robinson, Sevier,
Smith, of Conn., Trotter, Wall, Williams, Wright,
Young-26.

2. That the clause of the substitute allowing the public creditor the choice of specie or bank notes be stricken out. Rejected as follows:

Calhoun, Clay, of Ala., Hubbard, Lumpkin. Lyon,
YEAS-Messrs. Allen, Bayard, Benton, Brown,
McKean, Niles, Norvell, Pierce, Prentiss, Roane,
Smith, of Conn., Strange, Trotter, Wall, Webster,
Wright, Young-22.

NAYS-Messrs. Buchanan, Clay, of Ky., Clayton, Cuthbert, Davis, Fulton, Grundy, King, Knight, Merrick. Mouton, Nicholas, Preston, Rives, Robbins, Robinson. Ruggles, Sevier, Southard, Spence, Swift, Tallmadge, White, Williams-24.

made by the officers of the government, and not by 3. That payments of the public creditors should be the banks. Rejected as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Allen, Buchanan, Calhoun, Clay, of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, Hubbard, King, Lumpkin, Mouton, Nicholas, Niles, Pierce, Roane, Smith, of Conn., Strange, Trotter, Wall, Wright-19.

of Kentucky, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Grundy, NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Benton, Brown, Clay, Knight, Lyon, McKean, Merrick, Norvell, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Robbins, Robinson, Ruggles, Sevier, Southard, Spence, Swift, Tallmadge, Tipton, Webster, White, Williams, Young-29.

Suppose, Mr. Speaker, that some inspired Elisha had leave it for this house and for the people of this country which he subsequently withdrew. Mr. Niles spoke

been present when you and Mr. Buchanan, with others, engaged in the debate which has been referred to, and, moved by the sympathetic tear of the prophet, you had asked, "Why weepeth my lord?" how would you have been astonished in being then told what the peopl of this country have since realized!

and their hopes disappointed.
to judge whether their confidence has been portrayed

TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS.
SECOND SESSION-SENATE.

for building light houses, making coast surveys,
&c. Read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. Strange also offered two other amendments, discursively on the subject, in favor of the substitute, and of perseverance in the sub-treasury, and offered an amendment, which he afterwards withdrew on the suggestion of Mr. Buchanan, atiording facilities for getting the money out of the banks.

The question now recurring on Mr. Buchanan's amendinent, Mr. Rives spoke at length in opposition to the substitute. Mr. Buchanan spoke chiefly in reply to Mr. Rives.

The question being put on Mr. Buchanan's substitute, it was agreed to as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Allen, Benton, Brown, Bucha

Mr. Wright presented an analysis of the expenditures of the government, particularly for the years 1833-37, and generally from the commencement of the government to the present time. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed, with 2,000 ex-nan, Clay, of Alabaina, Cuthbert, Fulton, Hubbard, tra copies. King, Linn, Lumpkin, Lyon, Monton, Nicholas, Niles, Pierce, Roane, Robinson, Sevier, Smith, of Connecticut, Strange, Trotter, Wall, Williams, Wright, Young-26.

June 29. Mr. Norvell, from the committee on Imagine, sir, the inspired one looking through the commerce, reported a bill making appropriations vista of a few brief years and saying, You will be placed in power, but will greatly increase the amount of all public expenditures. You will use the offices and patronage of the country for private and not for public good. You will create offices for favorites. You will enlarge all executive power. You will deny the right to call for reasons on a removal from office, and in a few years will remove more than 1,500 persons from office for opinion's sake! You will derange and corrupt Mr. Wright, from the committee on finance, rethe post office department, which you now admit to be ported a bill to make compensation to certain agents sound, and you will not reform any of your designated abuses in the other departments. You will appoint and attorneys under the treaties of indemnity with more members of congress to office in four years than foreign nations. Read twice by consent, and or has been done in all the past history of the government dered to be engrossed for a third reading. Your bill for the abolition of the power and patronage over the press will sleep the sleep of death. You will retain "the press, the post office, the armed force, and the appointing power in the hands of the president, and will no uffer them to change position and take post on the side on the people." You now censure a small appropriation to purchase some additional furniture for the president's house, but you will furnish that house in luxurious style for gen. Jackson, who will be succeeded by Mr, Van Buren; and he, not content with the second-hand furniture of his predecessor, will cast it off The senate took up the joint resolution from the and make his entry into that edifice, with one appro- other house, instituting a joint committee of in priatio.. of $7,300 for alterations of the house and su-quiry as to the expediency of so taking the next

こ

A number of petitions were now presented and referred, or otherwise disposed of.

The bills which were yesterday ordered to a third
reading were to-day severally read a third time and
passed.

District of Columbia were discharged from the fur-
On motion of Mr. Bayard, the committee for the
ther consideration of a petition relating to Pennsyl

vania avenue.

NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Calhoun, Clay, of Ky., Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Grundy, Knight, McKean, Merrick, Norvell, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Robbins, Ruggles, Smith, of Indiana, Southard, Spence, Swift, Tallmadge, Tipton, Webster, White 24.

So the substitute became the bill, and was, in its tion of its engrossment: turn, rejected by the following vote, on the ques

YEAS-Messrs. Brown, Buchanan, Clay, of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, Hubbard, King, Lyon, Mouton, Nicholas, Niles, Pierce, Roane, Robinson, Sevier, Strange, Trotter, Wall, Williams, Wright, Young-21.

The responsibility is theirs. In truth, sir, it is probable enough that the pride of authorship was a little touched. It may be natural, perhaps, that sone jealousy should have been felt towards my bill from the quarter in which it originated; and although I think this rather a small sort of jealousy, yet, if its indulgence has given gentlemen any gratification, I do not grudge it to them. They are in a condition not to lose any relish or taste of power which they can conveniently possess. They can not afford to be over-generous. But for my part, Sir, the people have become afraid of congress, sir, I have no jealousy of that kind to gratify. If they have been under constant alarm from the disthe gentleman's bill, which he now proposes to in-position manifested here for violent change and Mr. Strange spoke in opposition to the bill and troduce, shall be such as shall give substantial and rash innovations. It is as true, sir, as that you sit amendment, and urged that the friends of the adjust relief, and fulfil the expectations of the coun- in that chair, that thousands of honest men have ministration should not retreat one step further betry, I shall support it as cheerfully, certainly, as I not been able to sleep at nights, from the fear that fore the favorite measures of the opposition. should have supported my own bill. If I find it they should hear, in the morning, that something After some further remarks from Mr. Wright deficient, I shall endeavor to amend it; and if, in had been done in congress, or something proposed. and Mr. Webster, Mr. Tallmadge and Mr. Rives these efforts to amend, I should fail, as I probably which should make that which is already bad spoke at length in favor of the amendment.

Mr. Rives (from an objection of Mr. Wright to The bill to modify the last clause of the fifth, for security, and to be extended just as far as the the deposite act of 1336) suggested an intention section of the d. posite act of 1536, (so as to sus- executive government may choose. This is the to move an amendment to Mr. Webster's amend pend, or rather to destroy, wholly the force of the point, then, to which we have now arrived, in the ment, to repeal so much of that deposite act as re- prohibition on the reception of the notes of banks process of separating the concerns of the governqures two per cent. interest fron the banks on the issuing notes of less than five dollars till the first of ment from the concerns of the banks, and keeping public money respectively in their possession. October next, when it is to revive and continue, the money of the people out of the hands of corpo Mr. Wright, then moved to amend the amendin operation, &c.) and to repeal, finally, the re- rations and individuals. ment by striking out Mr. Webster's proposition. maining provisions of the first twelve sections of and inserting a repeal of the twelve first sections that act, including all that relates to banks and of the deposite act, including all the act except bank notes, was read a third time; and the ques. what merely relates to the state deposites. tion being announced by the chair; shall this bill Mr. Webster said there is no time to discuss this measure further-at least I do not feel called upon to pursue the discussion further-but I will ask the indulgence of the senate for a few moments while I explain what the state of things will be, according to my understanding, if this bill shall become law.

Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, spoke with great earn-pass? estness in opposition to this motion, as in effect a repeal of all law on the subject, and an abandonment of the public revenue to the discretion of the

executive.

Mr. Niles spoke at length in favor of a repeal of the deposite act, and held an amusing conversation with Mr. Clay on politico-personal topics. Mr. Benton said a few words in favor of the proposed repeal.

Messrs. Sevier, Crittenden, Tallmadge, and Rives, spoke at much length and with great earnestness against the repeal.

Messrs. Wright, Rives, and Tallmadge, held a conversation of some length, principally on political topics.

After some further remarks by Messrs. Clay, of Kentucky, Young, Webster and Strange, the question was put on Mr. Wright's amendment, and it was carried in the affirmative by the following

vote:

YEAS-Messrs. Allen, Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Clay of Alabama, Cuthbert, Faltou, Hubbard, King, Linn, Lumpkin, Lyon, Mouton, Nicholas, Nites, Norvell, Pierce, Roane, Robinson, S.nith, of Connecticut, Strange, Trotter, Wall, Williams, Wright, Young-26.

a

First, then, after the first day of October next, no bank bill, great or small, can be received at the post office, or the land office, or the custom-house, if the bank which issued it issues bills less than five dollars.

This will necessarily exclude the paper of nearly all the banks in the northern and eastern states, and several others. All this has been already repeatedly shown.

In the second place, no bill of any bank can be received at the post office, the land office, or the custom-house, which bill is of a less denomination than twenty dollars. This is prescribed by the last treasury circular. Now, sir, what is the plain consequence of this? How are postages, or sinal postage accounts, to be paid in twenty dollar bills? How are postmasters to pay back the change? If the deputy post officers in the country obey this circular, it will be the occasion of perpetual einbarNAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Clay, of Kentucky, rassment to themselves and to the public. Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Knight, McKean, I have supposed, also, that this would be found Merrick, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Robbins, Rug-very inconvenient in the operations at the land offices. gles. Sevier, S nith, of Indiana, Southard, Spence, Swift, Tall nalge, Webster, White-21.

So the bill was modified so as to repeal the whole of the deposite act of 1836, except as above

The senate accordingly proceedel to ballot for president pro tem., when it appeared that 37 votes hat been cast; of which Mr. King received 30, Mr. White 3, and 4 were scattering.

Mr. Preston followed and spoke at length in op. position to the bill, as a legislative surrender of all power over the public money into the hands of the executive, and a legal confirmation of that assumption of power inade by president Jackson in 1834, and which he then declared was made for an extraordinary and temporary purpose, and which he afterwards urged congress to withdraw from him, and to regulate the subject by law.

A conversation by Messrs. Preston and Strange followed, chiefly on party political topics.

Mr. Smith, of Indiana, said, had this question been under consideration at an earlier period of the session, he would have felt justified in detaining the senate while he gave his views upon it. He was aware, however, that at this period of the session he could render his state and the country greater service by remaining silent, and saving the time he might occupy in discussion, to be employed in useful action, than by any thing he could say on this subject at this period of the session. It was action, and not speeches, that was called for. The session was in the last week, and much important business remained to be transacted, in which his state and the other states of the union were deeply interested; and however much it would have gratified his feelings to have shown the odiousness of a proposition to unite, without control, the purse and the sword in the hands of the executive, he would forego that pleasure, and content himself with asking that the question on the passage of the bill should be taken by yeas and nays, as he desired to have his name recorded against it at every step. The yeas and nays were accordingly ordered.

Mr. Benton argued that all the banks had wholly and forever incapacitated themselves from being used as depositories of the public money under the deposite act of 1836, whether that act should be repealed or not.

If I have been rightly informed, it is not, in somne
of the new states, always easy to obtain bills of a
denomination of twenty dollars, or upwards. And
I have supposed, especially, that the poor people
who purchase forty-acre tracts would be put to con-
siderable inconvenience. In the bill, which I intro- Mr. Tallmadge expressed his surprise that Mr.
duced into the senate, a section was contained reme- Benton, who, with the rest of the majority of the
dying this inconvenience, and allowing smaller bills, committee on finance, had very lately reported that
if they were the bills of specie-paying banks, to be all banks which had not issued notes of less than
received. This provision, however, was rejected, five dollars would, on resumption, be qualified to
together with all others which the bill contained. be selected by the secretary of the treasury as de-
wing spoken, sir, the other day of my bill's hav-positories of the public money-that Mr. B. should
ing been overlaid by that of the honorable member now declare that no banks whatever would be so
from Pennsylvania, or of his being used as an in qualified. Mr. T. said he could not comprehend
strument to displace mine, I wish to say that I meant the consistency of the two positions.

no complaint at all against the manner in which that
gentleman brought forward his measure. His course
was en irely fair, as he intended to support, and did
Support, the system which he proposed, throughout.
His object, certainly, was to pass his own bill, not
to displace wine; yet, my bill being displaced, there

was a majority against his.

Mr. King was then declared duly elected president pro lem. of the senate; was led to the chair by In the third place, sir, it is evident that the repeal Mr. Knight, and briefly expressed to the senate his thanks for this additional mark of their respect and of the deposite act leaves the public moneys in the confidence, and declared his intention to perform e tira control of the treasury department and the the duties of the appointment to the best of his abil-president, in the same manner as this control exist. its and especially in en teavoring to prevent un-ed in their hands after the removal of the deposites; and before congress provided any regulation on the pleasant personal collisions. subject. By the act of 1739, so inuch relied on, the reasurer is to receive and keep the moneys of the United States, but the secretary of the treasury is to superintend the collection of revenue; and it was the well-known docrine and practice of the last administration that all these officers, in the discharge of their duties, are under the immediate direction of the president, and are but his agents and instruments. So that the public moneys are now to be received, kent, and disbursed, as the president may see fit to order.

Mr. Calhoun presented a petition from citizens of Charlesto, praying security, by law, against the explosion of stean-boilers. Referred.

O.1 motion of Mr. Hubbard, and Mr. Smith of Connecticut, con nittees were discharged from the further consideration of certain private petitions. Mr. Clay, Mr. Williams and Mr. Pierce, reported various private bills fron committees referred to

them.

Mr. Webster, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill making further provision for the discharge of debenture bonds in certain cases.

In the last place, sir, it is quite obvious that the Setary of the treasury, under direction of the Mr. W. briefly explained the object of the bill to president, may, if this bill shall pass, use any state be, to allow steam vessels, from Europe, bringing banks he chooses, whether they be specie paving a supply of coal for their return voyag to withdraw banks or not; whether they issue small notes or not, that coal free of duty. Mr. W. urged, in favor of or whatever may be their character or condition. the bill, that a sufficient trial had not yet been made He will not be obliged to use banks; but he may use of American coal, for the purpose in question, and them, and may select them, at his pleasure. We that, at all events the general purpose of imposing repeal all limitations, we dispense with all securi duties was to lay a tax on foreign articles consum-ties, and leave the whole matter to the department ed in this country.

and to the president. I believe, sir, that the colMr. Niles and Mr. Buchanan objected to the bill lectors now deposite the public moneys in banks, as interfering with the sale of American coil, and have no doubt they will continue to do so. If and as coming up too late in the session on a they shall be called on to pay money to the treasurer, question which was supposed to be already settled. the treasurer will keep that money also in the banks, On motion of Mr. Webster, (on the suggestion or some of them. What else can he do with it? of Mr. Wright, who expressed some doubt on the While we thus repeal all legal connexion with the subject,) the bill was laid on the table till to-inor-banks, guarded as that connexion has been, by many provisions for the security of the public money, we Several bills from the house were read twice and are likely to see a connexion renewed, without legal referred. sanction or authority, with no provisions, whatever,

Mr. Calhoun briefly assigned his reasons why he should reluctantly vote against the bill, the chief of which was understood to be the surrender of power over the public money to the discretion of the executive.

The bill was then passed by the following rote: YEAS-Messrs. Allen, Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Clay, of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, Grundy, Hubbard, King, Linn. Lumpkin, Lyon. Mouton, Nicholas, Niles, Norvell, Pierce. Roane, Robinson, Smith, of Connecticut, Strange, Trotter, Wall, Williams, Wright, Young-27.

NAYS-Messrs. Messrs. Bavard, Calhoun, Clay,

of Kentucky, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Knight, McKean, Merrick, Prentiss, Preston, Rives. Robbins, Ruggles, Smith, of Indiana, Southard. Spence, Swift, Tallmadge, Tipton, Webster, White-22.

The bill to provide for the payment of certain agents and attorneys under the late treaties of indemnity with foreign nations,

And the bill to remove the pension agency in Alabama from Decatur to Huntsville, were also severally read a third time, and passed.

On motion of Mr. Norvell, the vote of the senate rejecting the bill to purchase the right to use the medical steam apparatus of Dr. Boyd Reily was reconsidered, and the bill was laid on the table.

The senate bili to increase the army of the United States was received from the house with various amendments, and taken un by the senate.

(which had not been read,) and asked the house for a Mr. Benton moved to disagree to the amendments, committee of conference. Mr. White and Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, objected, that it was not yet known what the amendments were; that some of them might be good, if others were not so, and that, in any case, it was unparliamentary to disagree to amendments without knowing what they were. On motion of Mr. Hubbard, the bill and the amendments were referred, and ordered to be printed.

On motion of Mr. Clayton, and at the request of the delegate from Florida, the bill making an ap. propriation for a compilation of the laws of Florida was taken up, (aves 18, noes not counted,) and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.