IMPORTANT LETTER FROM MR. BIDDLE. The intelli-jects, and the other quarter by Mr. Bacon, of Og-subjects of her majesty may be sometimes placed gence of the final passage through the house of repre- densburgh. She had not much freight on board. in the power of lawless banditti, when they imagine sentatives of the joint resolution repealing the specie The robbers got considerable money, but most of themselves within the protection and authority of a circular, was received in Philadelphia on Thursday, it, ($6,000,) has been recovered, and is now in the friendly government. possession of the civil officers of this county. A Given under my hand and seal at arms, at Tocommendable degree of zeal and activity has been ronto, this thirty-first day of May, in the year of manifested by them to detect and bring to justice our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirtythe offenders. They will probably be all ascer-eight, and of her majesty's reign the first. G. ARTHUR. By command of his excellency: C. A. Hagerman, attorney general. D. Cameron, secretary. and on the afternoon of that day the following letter from the president of the U. S. Bank was published in the National Gazette of that city. The Philadelphia papers of yesterday concur in expressing the expect tion of an early resumption of specie payments. Philadelphia, May 31, 1838. tained. My dear sir: In my letter of the 6th ult. I stated my This affair, as it was natural should be the case, belief that there could be no safe nor permanent re- produced great excitement in Canada, but the peosumption of specie payments by the banks, until the ple of that province are becoming satisfied that this policy of the government towards them was changed. movement was not known or apprehended by our The repeal of the specie circular by congress makes citizens, except the few that were engaged in it, that change. I see now, what until now I have not that it is strongly reprobated here, and that proper seen, the means of restoring the currency. I rejoice very sincerely at the termination of this un-exertions have been and will continue to be made happy controversy, and shall cordially co-operate with among us to bring the perpetrators to justice. the government by promoting what the banks are, I am sure, anxious to effect, an early resumption of specie payments throughout the union. N. BIDDLE. With great respect yours, Mexico, May 10, 1938. In consequence of the above outrage, sir George Proclamation-Upper Canada. From the "Globe" of Thursday night. We understand that as soon as the war department learned that serious apprehensions were entertained of disorders being committed on the northern frontier by the Canadians who had taken refuge within our borders, and who have lately shamefully abused the hospitality extended to them, the most prompt measures were taken to bring there whatever regular troops could be drawn from other sta tions without imminent risk to the interests of the public service. From the temper displayed by many of our citizens on the Canada borders, and from the efforts to be apprehended from the CanaWhereas information has this day been received dian refugees to re-establish their fortunes, a large "An act was passed on the 1st instant, by the that, on the thirtieth day instant, the British steam regular force is required on that frontier to preserve house of representatives, confereing upon the pre- boat, Sir Robert Peel, while lying peaceably at an the good faith and maintain the peace of the coun sident extraordinary powers for an unlimited time, American island, was treacherously attacked by a try; and it is a subject of deep regret that there excepting, however, the right to banish, or take the body of armed ruffians from the American shore, should have been so much delay in the house in life of a Mexican citizen, save by process of law. set fire to and burned; the passengers, among whom bringing forward the bill, which has twice passed Having been subsequently rejected by the senate, were defenceless feinales, wantonly and brutally the senate, to increase the military force of the and sent back to the house of representatives for insulted; and a large amount of money, and other United States, and reported favorably upon by the reconsideration, it was passed by a unanimous vote property on board the said boat was either plun- military committee of the house. All who look at of that body, granting to the president the power to dered or destroyed: And whereas the said robbery the defenceless state of our frontiers, must be conraise an army of one hundred thousand men, and and outrage cannot fail to excite feelings of the utvinced of the absolute and immediate necessity of the necessary funds, and to have resort to the means most indignation in the minds of her majesty's sub- the passage of this bill. Not only is it demanded which he might deem most conducive to the inter-jects, who may be induced thereby to resort to acts by a due regard for the safety and honor of the ests of the nation, and the requisite to carry his of retalliation for the redress of injury, without country, but it is recommended by every consideraplans into effect. It is understood that the portion properly considering that it belongs to the govern- tion of enlightened economy. To be compelled on of the priest party in the congress which advocated ment of her majesty to claim that redress and to the every trifling outbreak to authorize the employthe measure in the first instance, for the purpose of government of the United States to see that it be ment of volunteers, occasions an expenditure of enabling the president to take measures called for promptly rendered. money which, in the most ample state of the treaby the emergencies of the times, fearing that he The steamboat Sir Robert Peel, with the persons sury, cannot fail to be burdensome; and which, unmight extend these powers to the confiscation of and property on board, lay at a wharf on the shore der present circumstances, is ruirous. It is, bechurch property to pay the expenses of the war, of a friendly power, in the confidence of that secu- sides, drawing from their agricultural pursuits a have withdrawn their support from the measure, rity which every civilized nation extends over the large body of our most useful citizens, for the perwishing to confine his powers to the raising of subjects and property of foreigners, within its ter-formance of duties extremely onerous to them and funds by the ordinary mode of taxation. Intelli- ritory in time of peace, and free commercial inter- injurious to the best interests of the nation. It is, gence has been received from Yucatan that the therefore, to be hoped that an early day will be dewhole of that state had pronounced for federation. voted to the consideration of this most important A severe battle was fought at Merida, the capital subject. between the national troops and the militia, six thousand of whom had obtained arms from Balize, Honduras. Four hundred men perished in the conflict." [Globe. course. The government of the United States, it may be confidently expected, will vindicate the national honor, and feel deeply the insult which this act of savage and cowardly violence, committed in the dead of night, has inflicted upon their nation. They will not and cannot, without regard to national character, delay to bring the criminals to punishment, or to render to the injured subjects of her majesty, redress-though it be too late in this inThe following, which we find in the Albany Ar-stance to offer them protection. gus of Monday morning, contains the particulars of the transaction, alluded to in our first page, which, the editor of that print says, are from a source which entitles thein to entire credence: DESTRUCTION OF THE STEAMBOAT SIR Watertown, June 2, 1838. DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESEN- Friday, May 25, on a message received from the pre- States. The demeanor and conduct of the population of The reports of committees having been received, this province has been that of a people resting se- the next business coming up in order was the folcurely upon the sanctity of law, and the regular lowing resolution, moved by Mr. Cambreleng this exercise of the power of the British empire of which morning (after the receipt of the message transmitthey form a part; and accordingly, even during re-ting the explanatory letter of Secretary WoodbuDear sir: The following statement, relative to the bellion, and foreign invasions, this country has not ry:) seizure and burning of the British steamboat Sir been disgraced by any scenes of individual violence Resolved, That the committee to which the paRobert Peel, may be relied on as correct. or revenge, on the part of its loyal inhabitants. pers alluded to in the said message have been referOn her passage up the St. Lawrence she stopped The character which has thus been gained to this red, be discharged from the consideration thereof, at Will's island, seven miles below French Creek, province, has commanded the admiration of the and that they be withdrawn from the files, and reabout 2 o'clock on Wednesday morning, 30th May, British people-demonstrated the proud superiority turned to the president. to take in a supply of wood. While she was doing of British institutions--and is too valuable to be Mr. Hoffman, who was now in his seat, (not havthis, twenty-one-some accounts say twenty-two-sacrificed in the smallest part, for the sudden grati-ing reached the house at the time the message was persons entered on board, armed and disguised, fication of indignant feelings, however, justly they read.) rose, and said that he understood that, during took forcible possession of her, turned the crew and his absence, a communication had been received passengers on shore, and, after committing robbery, I therefore express to her majesty's faithful and from the president of the United States having an set her on fire, and she was burnt to the water's loyal subjects, my entire confidence in their digni- important bearing on the resolution he had offered. edge. There is some reason to fear that there was fied forbearance, and that the British flag which has It would be remembered by the house that, at the loss of life, but this is not certain. been so nobly defended by them, will not now be time he offered the resolution, he had expressed the stained by having outrage or insult offered to the hope, nay, the confident belief, that the president persons or property of foreigners within its terri-never could have authorized the transmission to this tory, and under its protection. I do not learn that there was any suspicion here that any such outrage was in contemplation, and the news of it caused a very general surprise. It has been subsequently ascertained that these marauders had two encampments on an island in the St. Lawrence, called Abel's island, lying about midway between French Creek and Well's island, at which they had rendezvoused a short time be fore their attack. Ten persons have been already committed to the jail of this county on the charge of having participated in the outrage. All these, except one, are refugees from Canada. It is probable that a few American citizens were associated with them, but the perpetrators were mostly persons from the British provinces, and assigned, as the motive for destroying the boat, the desire to retaliate for the loss of their property in Canada. may have been aroused. It need not be said to men who understand the character and institutions of England-that injury offered to one British subject, is felt by all-and that the mutual ties of duty and affection which bind a free and loyal people and their sovereign together, give the strength of the whole empire to au injured individual. This consideration is all that is necessary to restrain a loyal community within becoming bounds, and to insure their leaving to their government that claim for redress which this unprovoked outrage imperatively demands. Until the Americen government shall have taken such measures as will ensure the lives and property of British subjects within the territory of the United States from spoliation and violence, the utmost The "Sir Robert Peel" was a boat of the middle guard and caution is required on the part of masters size, new last year, and cost about $40,000. Three of steamboats, and other vessels, in entering Ameriquarters of the boat were owned by British sub-can harbors as it is but too plain, that at present the body of documen's so offensive in their character as those to which the resolution referred; and it now gave him cordial pleasure to say that, having perused the communication at the clerk's table, he was now enabled to say that the president stood perfectly and completely exonerated from all blaine in the transaction. It was manifest that the president had been imposed on by placing too great confidence in his heads of departments. When he found what sort of communications had been sent to the house, he probably called upon the secretary of the treasury to furnish the reasons why papers of this character had been made to accompany his ressage, and the house had received a communication from that officer, which, while it completely exonerated the president from all intention to insult the house by transmitting such documents in reply to its call, left the whole blame on the head of his secretary. The secretary, it seemed, had reported to the president that various communications on | fensive document would be bound up in the volume | pressed in regard to them. Under these circum. the subject of the importation of paupers had for of executive communcations? stances. Mr. B. could not but consider the commuyears been received at the department, some in The Chair replied that ordinarily they would; nication of the secretary as unsatisfactory. writing, others in print, and some by personal con- but under peculiar circumstances of the present versation. These papers had, without any critical case, the clerk had stated to him that he should not examination, been ordered to be placed on the files order them to be bound up, but would send back of the department, and from thence had been trans- the message and documents to be reprinted, with mitted to the house without being looked into.- the omission of those now objected to. But by whom had papers of this character been) sent? What confidential friend of the secretary was it who had furnished him with extracts of this kind, which could only furnish aliment to the most corrupt and morbid passions, and which were full, from one end to the other, of the most libellous and ribald abuse on the corporate authorities of a great city, and on respectable and worthy men by name? How did it happen that documents like these were ordered to be placed on the files of one of the departments of this government? Did this secretary of the treasury mean to make his department a depository of all the revoiting libels daily poured forth by the lowest presses of a party? Were productions like these placed there without being read? Had they been read, or even glanced at, the nature of their contents could not for a moment have been mistaken; and what right, then, had the secretary to direct such personal calumeies to be put on the files of the government? But again: What had the president been requested to send to the house: He had been called upon to furnish it, not with matters of loose suspicion, not with scurrilous extracts taken from the newspapers, but with information, with authentic facts, which should form a basis for legislative action. Thus called upon, the president very properly referred to the head of the department; and the secretary was thus placed in a solemn and responsible attitude, He was required to perform a weighty and important duty to the representatives of the American people. And what does he do? Without examination, and, as it would appear, without reading or the slightest inspection, he transmits to the president, and the president to the house, as a foundation for its action, extracts from the lowest party newspapers, filled with base and scurrilous abuse of individuals. Mr. H. called upon the house to pause upon a fact of this kind, and to consider what degree of reliance could hereafter be placed on of ficial communications from a department. When a document came to the house bearing the official stamp of the head of a department, the house had been in the habit of receiving it as entitled to consideration and worthy of credit; but what became of all such confidence if papers were officially communicated without being read or looked at, and without ascertaining the fact that they impeached the personal character of members of the community as respectable in all points of view, as the honorable secretary himself; ray, without knowing whether they did not contain a libel on members of the house, and on the very member who had originated the call? If a secretary could transmit a paper which impeached, in the grossest manner, the chief magistrate of one of our greatest cities, a citizen who had twice received the public testimonial of the approbation of his fellow-citizens, and which heaped similar abuse on others of the constituted authorities of that city's municipal government, because they were the friends of an honest and disinterested party, (the Native American,) why might it not have impeached the very member who called for information? Mr. H. rejoiced for the honor of his station and of the country that the president stood completely exonerated in the matter. But, in an honest and strict regard to the violated privileges of the house, and for the abused and outraged character of his own constituents, he Mr. B. admitted this; but here were extracts could not but express his astonishment and indig- from a newspaper sent to the department, not by nation that the head of the department should dare any individual officially called upon, but, as the sethus to insult and trifle with that house. This oc-cretary informed the house, "by somebody who felt currence threw a light strong and clear, on the an interest in the subject," and, on this authority, mode in which the duties of that department were were permitted to go on the files of the department, performed. It showed how important matters were And what did the secretary say in his communicaing or consideration, among the public archives? entirely entrusted to clerks and subordinate agents. Mr. H., in conclusion, said he should not object that these papers should be withdrawn by the president, but he trusted that what had occurred on this occasion would read his secretary such a lesson, that documents like these should never again be sent to that house. If the papers werewithdrawn, he hoped that they would not be left on print among the archieves of this house, as the recorded slanders of a party press. Mr. Cushman inquired of the gentleman from New York (Mr. Russell) who was at the head of the committee on this subject of foreign paupers, whether, when he offered the resolution calling for this information, he did not know that these newsMr. Atherton said, if he had rightly understood paper communications were then on file. the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) Mr. Russell said that, after presenting a memorithat gentleman was of opinion that both the pre-al praying for a revision of our naturalization laws, sident and secretary had relieved themselves from he had offered a resolution calling on the secretary all suspicion of purposing to do any thing deroga of state for such information as was in that departtory to the dignity of the house, and he was sorry ment respecting the introduction of foreigu paupers to hear, from the remarks of the gentleman from into our cities. In answer to this call, the secretaNew York, the expression of a different opinion. ry of state informed the house that he had not the He could not conceive that the secretary of the means of obtaining the information sought. He, treasury was placed in a different position when however, stated that there were certain communideceived by placing too great confidence in his cations which had passed between the agents of clerks, from that in which the president stood by this government and the agents of foreign nations placing too great confidence in his secretary. It touching the emigration of certain classes to this was well known to every gentleman at all acquaint-country; but as all such correspondence was under ed with the course of public business, that the the immediate direction of the president, he was heads of departments must of necessity, trust in a not authorized to send it. great measure to their clerks. What was this case? Mr. R. had then drawn up a resolution, carefully In 1836, a resolution passed the serrate, directing guarded, requesting this information, and inquiring the secretary of the treasuary to collect information what steps had been taken to prevent the introducfrom various sources as to the importation of tion of that class of foreign emigrants who were foreign paupers into the United States. In reply complained of as becoming so burdensome to our to circulars from the department, information came community. He had no knowledge whatever of in various shapes into the office, and was then placed the existence of such documents as had been sent on file by the clerks. It was probably examined till he found them upon his table. only so far as to find to what general subject it reMr. Cushman read the instruction of the senate lated. When the call was made by the house, the in 1836, and expressed great regret that any censecretary ordered his clerk to gather these papers sure should have been cast on the secretary. Gentogether, and without particularly examining them, tlemen were all aware of the extreme pressure on he transmitted them the house. He was sorry that the department, and the impracticability of the sethe gentleman from New York had indulged in lan-cretary's examining every paper sent for by conguage which seemed to imply that the secretary of gress. He must, of necessity, trust to his clerks. the Treasuary had intentionally sent an offensive The president had acknowledged, with the utmost libel to the house. He believed it was admitted on candor, the mistake which had occurred. So had all hands that if there was any thing for which that the secretary. Then why this attempt to heap cenofficer was distinguished, it was for assiduity and sure upon him? He hoped that gentlemen would industry in the labors of his station. It was well exhibit a more charitable temper, and would be known that he never shrunk from any toil in the governed by the golden maxim of doing as they discharge of his official duty; and he trusted the would be done by. gentleman from New York would retract any lan guage which implied that the secretary was negligent and shrank from bending all the energies of his mind to the trust confided to him. He was truly sorry to hear the course of remark from that gentleman. He could not conceive why the secretary was more chargeable with blame than the president and he thought it was honorable and candid in the gentleman from Massachusetts so promptly to exonerate both. Mr. Hoffman regretted to trespass on the time of the house, but felt it his duty to reply to the remarks which had fallen from the two gentlemen from New Hampshire, (Mr. Atherton and Mr. Cushman.) The former of these gentlemen had commenced his speech with an eulogy upon the secretary; with all that Mr. H. was not disposed to find fault. He had the authority of Shakspeare for saying that "IF was a most beneficent peacemaker." If the honorable secretary was distinguished for Mr. Briggs said that there had been, yesterday, any thing, it was for his great industry. The genbut one sentiment in the house as to the character theman had asked why Mr. H. had distinguished of two of the documents which had been sent with | between the cases of the president and his secretathe president's message, and he believed there was ry. The president was in the habit of transmitting but one opinion now relative to the manner in to the house documents officially submitted to him which the president had met the question. The by his heads of departments. They were submitpresident had frankly told the house that those pa-ted in a mass, and so sent to the house; but the pers were of such a character that, had he been gentleman from New Hampshire must remember apprized of it, he never would have sent them to that these newspaper slips had each been sent, the house, Mr. B. was sorry to say that the letter singly and by itself, from some confidential friend of the secretary was by no means so satisfactory. and correspondent. It could scarce be but that the The gentleman from New Hampshire (Mr. Ather- secretary must have found leisure, during some inton) had alluded to the authority under which the terval in the morning, or at noon, or in the evening, secretary had proceeded to collect information on to read them. He said that they were then orderthe subject of foreign paupers. The senate's reso-ed to be placed on file; but why? How could he lution had directed him to call upon custom-house officers and foreigu consuls. Mr. Dromgoole suggested that it would be a more regular course to lay the communication of the president and its accompanying documents on the table, and order then to be printed, that thus the explanation of this unpleasant transaction might go with it to the country. Mr. Whittlesey inquired of the chair whether, should the pending resolution be adopted, the of [Mr. B. was here reminded, by some member, that the words "other sources of information" were also added.] direct that such documents should be placed on the files of his department? [Mr. Atherton replied that it was the custom of the department to file all documents received.] Indeed? Was every newspaper sent to the department, however irrelevant to the public business, and however teeming with a tissue of libels against respectable people, placed on file amongst the papers of the department? If Mr. H. should send the secretary, to-morrow, newspapers full of party abuse, would they be placed, without readtion concerning these infamous papers? He utter- If this was the established rule, the government ed not a word of disapproval of their contents. would soon want another treasury building. The He tells the house, that, in the pressure of busi- new one would not be large enough to hold the liness, documents had been sent, in which objection- bels that would be poured into it. If it was to beable remarks were "mingled" with information come a receptacle of matter of this description, the sent. Now, did these papers contain a single sen- burning of the treasury ought to be hailed as a tence of information? A single word that was re- blessing, and not a misfortune; and it was well suglevant to the inquiry? Were they not full of the gested by a gentleman near him that it would not rankest abuse of individuals? Yet, Mr. Secretary be surprising if documents like these should protells the house, that "concerning the correctness of duce spontaneous combustion. [A laugh.] those statements the department knows nothing." The other gentleman from New Hampshire (Mr. Was it possible that the head of the department did Cushman) is greatly surprised and grieved that I not know whether such communications were cor- should have dealt in harsh epithets in regard to so rect or not? Could be not say, at a glance, that meritorious a public officer as the honorable secrethey were incorrect in the highest degree? Not a tary. Now Mr. H. would appeal to the houseword was stated as to how such papers got into the nay, to the gentleman himself to say whether he department; or when or from whom they were re-had indulged in any harsh or opprobrious epithets ceived; nor was the slightest disappointment ex- towards the secretary? What he had said he had part of the friends of the president for an exten- Sir, without expressing any opinion respecting said of his conduct in this affair. Mr. H.'s busi- He again inquired of the Chair whether, should the resolution be adopted, these documents (Nos. 7 and 8) would remain on the printed files of this house? The Chair again stated that the clerk would see that they were not bound up in the volumes of ex ecutive communications. Mr. Sibley, of New York, expressed his entire concurrence in the sentiments of gratification which had fallen from his colleage, (Mr. Hoffman,) at the course proposed by the president in his message of this morning. For the reputation of the chief maIt must be acknowledged, however, that the gistrate, and the honor of the country, I am glad President of the United States, judged in this (said Mr. S.) that permission to withdraw the exinstance by his own principles of presidential re-traordinary and offensive matter appended to his sponsibility, has no right to demand, nor perhaps message of the 11th instant has been so promptly even a decent pretext for asking, the exoneration granted, and granted with entire unanimity. No which has been thus promptly conceded; and I member of the house car. wish to see it degraded by cannot allow to pass, unimproved, an occasion so becoming the medium of transmitting to the counappropriate for inviting the attention of the house try the grossest libels of a partisan press upon the to what those principles are-a task of no diffi- characters of private citizens or the constituted auculty, as it consists merely in a reference to a thorities of a municipal corporation. No citizen of document of no great antiquity, in which they this country can be willing to see this hall convertare embodied in the most authentic form. ed into a record-office for matter of that sort. I am glad, sir, that the good work of lustration is begun, and I shall be pleased to see it extended to another document, emanating from the same source, now lying upon your table, and soon to be bound up amongst the enduring records of the government. metropolis of the state, and with much ribald personal abuse it mingles some strictures upon the public and official conduct of the gentlemen named. look upon this latter feature as constituting some mitigation of the otherwise atrocious nature of the whole production; for, in relation to the official conduct of public men, I hold to the right of the severest scrutiny, and the freest animadversion of speech and of the press. On the 17th of April, 1834, sir, the then president of the United States, whose principles and opinions are, by adoption, those of the now president, promulgated to the nation a paper among the most celebrated in its history: I mean his "solemn protest," of that date, addressed to the senate of the United States. In that remarkable state paper, I allude, Mr. Speaker, to that part of the prethe origin and history of which it is needless now sident's annual message communicated to us at to review, are expressed fully, the principies of the commencement of the session, in which he that period, as entertained by that party, in regard arraigns, before the country and the world, the into executive responsibility for the conduct of su tentions and integrity of a large portion of the cit bordinate officers. Nor was that paper a mere ab-izens of the state which I have the honor in part to Mr. Calhoun, of Massachusetts, wished to make stract declaration of principles. It was, on the represent. an inquiry of the chairman of the select commit- contrary, a practical display of principles, in up- That part of the recent message which the pretee, (Mr. Russell.) The gentleman from New holding a high executive act; the highest, indeed, sident now asks leave to withdraw, assails the repHampshire (Mr. Atherton) had lauded the secre- and the most high-handed executive act that disfi-utations of only a few individuals residing at the tary of the treasury for his industry, and his criti-gures our history. What are those principles? cal attention to the duties of his place. In the That "the whole executive power" is "vested in the present case, he believed that these documents president;" that "he is responsible for its exercise," were almost the only papers accompanying the that all subordinate officers are but agents and inmessage, save one or two of little consequence.struments "to aid him in the performance of his duNow, if the honorable secretary was so extremely ties;" that the power of removal and appointment attentive and laborious, how did it happen that he is an original executive power;" and that for the had not looked at these documents before he sent conduct of all executive officers, "the president is them here? The inquiry he wished to put to the responsible"-all, in turn, being "responsible to honorable chairman of the select committee (Mr. him." But, sir, that portion of the annual message Russell) was this: had these documents been sent Now, sir, in a land of laws under a limited con- which I would also give the president permission to that committee in the usual written form, attest-stitution, these must be admitted to be extraordina- to withdraw is far niore general and expansive in ed by the signature of the proper officer to give ry doctrines; which is not my present purpose to its assaults upon the character of our country. It them anthenticity? or did they consist of mere expose, but merely, by referring to them, to show involves the political purity and personal indepen. scraps cut out from newspapers? what they are. dence of multitudes of men in all parts of the state Executive unity was claimed, with all the quali-of New York; of men in the quiet and retired ties of individuality? and the thousands of execu- walks of life, occupying no public station, exercistive officers in the civil, military, and naval sering no delegated trust, and in no wise accountable vice, in peace and in war, at home and abroad, on sea and land, in all their ramifications of government, were but bones and sinews, and muscles and nerves, of that vast constitutional unit of which they were parts-the president the whole! They In reference to the then recent election in New were the eyes by which he saw, the ears by which York, and for the purpose of inducing us to disreMr. Calhoun resumed, and expressed his regret he heard, the nerves by which he felt, and the gard that expression of popular sentiment in our and mortification at the disclosure thus made; it bones, sinews, and muscles by which he moved fow- deliberations upon the leading and favorite measure reflected little credit on the secretary of the trea-ard, and, sir, by which he struck! The president, of the executive, the president has seen fit laborsury. That officer stood before the house, in this as the sensorium, directing all, moving all, respon-in wary and ambiguous phrase, but with conclutransaction, in no very desirable light. This was sible for all! sions that have not been, and cannot be, misunder. the first time he had ever known papers to be thus This was the doctrine maintained when an at- stood to bring the representatives of the people sent; he trusted it was the first and the last time tempt was made to hold a high executive officer to believe that a large majority of the independent that scraps cut out of newspapers would be sent (the secretary of the treasury) responsible to the electors of that state, unmindful of the great interby the head of a department in reply to a call of law, in a most critical period of our public affairs. ests staked upon our action, had cast their ballots that body. It was an act of charity to believe that The president interposed himself as the whole, un-in base subserviency to what he is pleased to call, the secretary never saw these vile communications; divided, indivisible, executive, responsible for the in that message, "the already overgrown influence if he did, the offence was an atrocious one; if he conduct of all his aids in the performance of his du-of corporate authorities." did not, he was neglectful of his duty, and forget- ties! He demanded to be held responsible for their [Mr. Taylor rose to a question of order. He ful of the relation in which he stood to that house. delinquencies! In the career which that remarka-asked if it was now in order to discuss the annual Mr. C. regretted this, for the sake of the character ble man was then running, he sought, with avidity, message?) of the government and of the country. the responsibility of atoning for all the sins, if but al lowed the pleasure of wielding all the power, of the whole executive department. Mr. Russell replied, and produced the documents as sent: one was from a newspaper printed in New York, and called the "Truth Teller;" the other was a fragment, cut out from a newspaper, which, from its appearance, seemed to have been taken from another number of the same paper. There were no designations, save some marks upon the margin, to induce the belief that they were public documents officially communicated. to any officer, high or low, of the federal government for the considerations which may influence them in the exercise of their original independent sovereignty. If (continued Mr. S.) my colleague will indulge me for a few moments, he will perceive that my remarks do not violate any rule of order, or that I shall present to him a better opportunity of raising that question when I come to offer an amendment to the resolution under consideration. Mr. Menefee said that no one could have been shocked more than himself, by the communication to this house, by the president of the United States, Yet, now, the president who represents these of the offensive documents to which the resolution principles, and is committed to the execution of of the gentleman from New York (Mr Hoffman) them, claims of the house exoneration from responrelated. Such a procedure on the part of the sibi ity for an acknowledged delinquency of the [The chair suggested that Mr. S. should now executive undoubtedly demanded the instant notice head of an executive department! and of the same send up his proposed amendment.] of the house of representatives; and, in the absence department! It is my intention, sir, to offer such an amendof an instant explanation their marked reproba- It is well, I think, sir, to revert occasionally to ment before I close; but I wish to introduce it with tion. That notice was attracted and explanation the doctrines of yesterday; it inspires circumspec- a few preliminary observations explanatory of its demanded by the resolution; but I must suppose tion in the actors of to-morrow. In the present in-character and object; and, not intending to trouble all reprobation to have been averted by the mes- stance, there appears to be a striking propriety in the house again, I shall be willing, with the persage which the house has this morning received drawing, though rapidly, across the vision of the mission of the chair, to avail myself of the present from the president, in which he states that the president a picture of the past. It may serve to speaking to assign some reasons for the adoption of communication to the house of the exceptionable convince him that it is given to but few to demol the amendment, when it shall be offered. documents was not intentional. For myself, I am ish a free constitution and erect out of its strewn fully satisfied with this explanation; and do not, fragments an executive stronghold so stupendous therefore, require the supplicatory appeals on the l as that erected, in practice, by his predecessor. I was proceeding, Mr. Speaker, to point out the exceptionable parts of the annual message to which my amendment, if in order, may be applicable. On the 30th ult. we adopted a resolution respect- Mr. Speaker, the citizens of my own state seem of late to have become the peculiar objects of exe. cutive assault. At the commencement of the session, their representatives were compelled to sit here and listen to the grave charge preferred by the president in his annual message; but a few days ago, and it was deliberately and solemnly declared on this floor, in the face of the assembled representatives of the nation, that our principal city had been, from the commencement of the government to within a few months past, the victim of the unjust and oppressive legislation of that state as well as of this government; and now, sir, a portion of our citizens are attacked with foreign arms wielded with all the force and dexterity of the secretary of the treasury: Sir, if the federal government must war against the people of the states, I cannot but regret that its pugnacious favors are not a little more generally distributed. The seventh page of that document represents to The message of the president of the 11th instant, ment into a receptacle for disgusting libels upon the our consideration, in a short paragraph or two, the Mr. S. further remarked, when looked at in con- people of the country whose servant he is. That famous "sub-treasury scheme." But, no sooner nexion with that which he has sent us this morn- these foreigners, new landed upon our shores, does it give us a glimpse of its hidden mysteries-ing, presents a novel spectacle in the history of should, "after eating from our basket and drinking scarcely is our vision prepared to gaze into its dark executive and legislative intercommunication. Let from our cup," turn upon us, and pour the senserecesses-when, as if fearful that our footsteps us contemplate it for a moment. less libels upon a people at whose firesides they might turn from its gloomy passages into the brighwere warmed," is quite enough to task the forbearter path to which public sentiment had directed ance of a generous and hospitable nation; but that them, the president begins to furnish us with reathe high officers of this government should lend sons for disregarding that public sentiment. He themselves to the work of rescuing from oblivion, tells us of the "more than one hundred and sixty and placing upon lasting record-that they should millions of bank capital spread through all the rammake our public archives the depositories of these ifications of society" of "its direct connexion stale slanders, from whence they may be drawn with the then pending elections"-of "the feelings forth under all the sanctions of official approbation, it was calculated to infuse into the canvass"-and to be turned against the characters of the living or of its having "exercised a far greater influence the memories of the dead, is such perversion of of. over the result than any which could possibly have fieial responsibilty as ought not to pass without been produced by a conflict of opinion in respect animadversion. to a question in the administration of the general government more remote and less important in its Bearings upon that interest." And, in immediate connexion with all this, he assures us that he is "more than ever convinced of the dangers to which the free and unbiassed exercise of political opinion would be exposed by any further increase of the already overgrown influence of corporate authorities." Now, sir, no man doubts-no man can doubt that, in all this extraordinary and unwarrantable criticism upon the motives which influenced the As soon as this outrage falls under the notice of action of the people, the president means to say my honorable colleague, (Mr. Hoffman,) he calls that that action was guided and controlled by the the attention of the house to the subject, and pro"overgrown influence of corporate anthorities;" poses a resolution discharging the select committee that the people of this country were capable of bar- from the further consideration of the libellous effutering the elective franchise for the favor of money-sions of the "Truth-Teller," and returning the of ed corporations; that the hardy yeomanry of New fensive matter to the president. This movement York had bowed down their free spirits before the of my colleague doubtless attracted the attention of golden calves which the president himself had the president for the first time to the exceptionable erected before their eyes. character of that part of his message, and he in- New York, it seems, is to be assailed not only by Mr. Speaker, if that portion of the annual mes- forms us this morning, with great propriety, and in imputations upon her political integrity and indesage upon which I am commenting does not mean a manner perfectly satisfactory, so far as he is con-pendence, but also upon the private characters of this, it means nothing. Strip it of this signification, cerned, that the extracts from the "Truth-Teller" her citizens. And more than all, her whole career and it is senseless. It has received this interpreta-"are of a character which would, if attention had of legislations-ay, of democratic legislation-from tion throughout this country and Europe. It has the very origin of the government down to the late been used as authority for the grossest vituperation free banking law, is boldly denouncd as characterof the citizens of New York, by the public journals ized through all its course by injustice and oppresof our sister states, and abroad it has been quoted sion towards a portion of her population, whose by the enemies of republican institutions, as evirights and interests were committed to her care, dence of the corrupting tendency of such instituwhom she was bound, by every consideration tions, and the degeneracy of the people who live of honor and duty, to cherish and protect, but under them. of whom it is alleged she has made a victim and a sacrifice. The language employed by the chairman of the committee of ways and means, (Mr. Cambreleng) in debate the other day, was this: "New York has been, from the commencement of our government, the victim of unjust and oppressive legisla tion, state and national." Sir, I regard all this part of the message as unprecedented in the annals of executive communication; as conveying a severe and unmerited imputation upon the political independence and integrity of the citizens of my state, which ought not to remain upon the public records of the country. As we are engaged, this morning, in the business of purifying those records, I am willing that the president should, if he pleases, take back that part of the annual message of which I complain, along with the portion of his recent message which he has asked permission to withdraw; and, if my amendment prevails, he will have leave to do so. [The Speaker. Such an amendment will not be in order. It is not connected with the subject now before the house. It may be in order as an origin. al proposition, when the house is again in committee of the whole on the annual message.] I am aware of that, sir, (said Mr. S.) but the difficulty is, the house will not again be in committee of the whole upon that message. I must, therefore, avail myself of the present occasion to show cause why the character of my constituents should not be impaired by the grave charges made against them by the federal head of the nation, or that op portunity will be gone. And I propose now to demonstrate to the house and the country, that all charges and insinuations, from whatever quarter they may come, that the recent political revolution in the state of New York was the result of bank influence, or that the free-thinking and independent men by whom that revolution was wrought out are capable of surrendering their judgments and consciences to such influence, are not only destitute of any foundation in fact, but that they are wholly impossible to be true. [The Speaker. That discussion will not be in order, and cannot be permitted.] Mr. Sibley. I shall, of course, be under the direction of the chair, and submit, with great deference, to the decision. I had hoped, indeed, that when the chief magistrate of the nation comes into this house and presents a bill of indictment against the people of a state, the representatives or that people (who are not here to answer for themselves) might at least be allowed the poor privilege of pleading not guilty. But I will say no more upon the unwelcome topic, and pass to some considerations more immediately connected with the subject actually befose us. been directed to them, have prevented the trans- Along with this last message, the president has Now, sir, I am not satisfied with this excuse of the secretary. It does not go far enough back. It does not explain the extraordinary fact that such matter should have found its way to a place on the files of the treasury department. How came it there at all? It is because the clerk drew it from the files that our documents have been polluted with such foul stuff. It is because it was there that the president has been made the unwilling instrument of transmitting it to this house. Did it find its way there without such examination, “critical" or otherwise, as made the secretary acquainted with its true character? This is impossible; for no person can glance at the very caption of the article, or scarcely at any line of it, without discovering its true nature. Now, sir, this is a grave and serious charge. It ought not to be lightly made; for if true, and wherever it is believed, it ought to, and it will, disgrace the government and people of that state in the eyes of the civilized world-if true, it would justify revolt and rebellion by the people of that city. But sir, it is not true. The legislation of the state of New York, toward that noble city, has, at all times, been liberal and just. [The Speaker. The words upon which the gentleman from New York is now commenting were spoken in debate upon another subject, and cannot be replied to in this debate.] Mr. S. proceeded. I am aware that, in this res. pect, I was trespassing somewhat upon the strict rules of debate. My object is answered, however, by calling attention to what I regard as a most unfounded charge upon those who have so long held a controlling influence in the legislation of my state, and upon those who have, in all past time, occupied seats in her legislative halls. I had supposed, sir, that nothing was fit for a place upon the files or records of our executive de- I will conclude by assuring gentlemen, that if rartments which was not also fit for the public eye; the people of the state of New York, in their indiand that every thing which might properly be de-vidual or representative character, are to be made posited there might, at any time, be drawn from thence, and presented to this house, and to the nation, without any violation of dignity or decency. But it seems that the secretary of the treasury has contrived to accumulate upon his files such matter as, having accidentally found the light, he is ashamof; and all are anxious to hurry it back into the speed of, the president is ashamed of, we are ashamed cial care and keeping of the "financial head" of the government. the targets for the bolts of executive vengeance, and if this city and this hall are to become the vantage ground from which those bolts are to be discharged they will find New York buckling on her armor also; and I greatly mistake the character of the state if there will not be found amongst all her pride and self-respect to repel these unfounded and sons, without distiction of party, sufficient state undeserved assaults. Mr. Crary moved the previous question. Mr. Reed was very anxious to say a word or two and Mr. Crary agreed, at his request, to withdraw the motion, on condition that Mr. Reed would renew it. Mr. Speaker, we were told this morning by the honorable member from New Hampshire (Mr. Atherton) that if the secretary of the treasury was distinguished for any thing, it was for untiring assiduity in discharging the laborious duties of his Mr. Reed promised to do so. He wanted to call office. Whatever eminence, sir, that high func- the attention of the house to a suggestion in regard tionary may attain by patient toil and plodding into the clerk. He wished to propound to the chair dustry, he will be yet more distinguished, I appre- the inquiry whether the clerk was authorized to hend in the future history of this country, as hav- withhold any portion of the documents which had ing been the first head of an executive department been printed by order of the house from taking its who converted the public archives of the govern-place upon the printed archives of this body? The Chair explained, and said that that was a matter within the power of the house. The clerk would be subject to its direction. He had supposthat no objection could be made, and that it would be done by unanimous consent. Mr. Reed insisted that the documents must be published and bound up with the rest. This was the regular course. Besides, if these documents should be withdrawn, the message of the president, received this morning, would be unintelligible to those who should come after them, as there would appear nothing on the record to which it referred. Mr. R. wished to avoid an evil which he should consider even greater than this, and that was an expunge. He then, according to promise, moved the previous question. Mr. Harlan was anxious to speak, but Mr. Crary refused leave for Mr. Reed to withdraw the motion. The call was seconded by the house-ayes 102, noes not counted. The previous question was put and carried. The resolution of Mr. Cambereleng was then agreed to. Mr. Harlan, of Ky. called for a division of the question; and it was divided as of right. The question on laying upon the table was agreed to. The question then coming up on the printing, Mr. Harlan, after thanking Mr. Crary for his courtesy said that his object had been to call the attention of the house to a remark of the gentleman from New Hampshire, (Mr. Atherton) in defence of the secretary. That gentleman might be called, indeed, the advocate general of that blundering officer. He wished to atate that the Truth TellerThe Chair observed that this was not in order on the question to print. Mr. H. said he wished to give reasons why these documents should not be printed. This certainly was in order. The Chair assented. able in their political opinions, would yet never are alleged to have perjured themselves when the The laws of the United Ststes provide that, in order to entitle an alien to become a citizen of the United States, he must, have declared on oath or We propose to make our readers acquainted with affirmation before some court of record, having a the conduct of this triumvirate at a meeting of the seal and a clerk, and possessed of common law juboard on Monday last. The special committee on risdiction, or before a circuit or district court of the the subject of alien passengers," consisting of United States, or before a clerk of either of the said Messrs. Bruen and Whitehead, (the latter of whom courts, at least two years before his admission, his is so notorious for his flagrant breach of faith with intention to become a citizen, and to renounce althe friends of Mr. Riker, the late chief engineer,) legiance to any foreign government. When an made a report, in which, after sundry observations alien declares his intentions, he is furnished with a about "the authorities of Jersey," &c., they re-certificate of the fact by the clerk of the court where commended the adoption of the following resolution: the declaration is made; which certificate must be, "Resolved, That the commissioners of the alms- and always is, impressed with the seal of such house be, and they are hereby, authorized, if in court. When he applies for adinission as a citizen their judgments they see fit, to contract for the he must produce this certificate, or another or pretranshipment back to their own country, with their cisely the same kind, unless the declaration was consul, of such alien paupers as may now be, or made in the same court in which he applies for adare like to become, a public charge at the estab-mission; in which case, the clerk, by referring to lishment at Bellevue or elsewhere, upon such terins the records, can always ascertain if the declaration and conditions as they may think will best promote were duly made. The production of this certificate the public interest, and at the same time shall prove under seal, or finding the declaration in the records no prejudice to the cause of humanity." of the court admitting the citizens, is in all cases When this resolution, so perspicuous, lucid, and indispensable to the admission of the alien, unless correct in language, was offered, it elicited severe he proves that he has continued to reside here since comments from alderman Brady, who is ever 18th June, 1812, or that he arrived in this country watchful to protect all classes of citizens from un- under 18 years of age, and resided here five years, merited insult, and whose sentiments are always of including the three years preceding his attainment the most philanthropic and liberal character. He of majority. Unless this be proven, each alien who animadverted in strong terms on the injustice of seeks to obtain admission as a citizen illegally must stigmatizing as "paupers" all those who come bere perjure himself, procure another person to do the from Europe; mentioning the fact that one gentle- same, forge such a certificate as is above mentioned, man who landed a day or two since, had thousands and counterfeit the handwriting of the clerk, and of guineas in his possession, and, so far from being the seal of the court from which the spurious cera "pauper," was a man of wealth. When Mr. tificate would purport to emanate. Brady had concluded his remarks, the cacoethes lo- This proves that Mr. Bruen's statement cannot quendi took possession of Mr. Merritt, and off he possibly be true. But in every point of view it is started on a crusade against the English language, so absuid, and so preposterous, that no man in his senplain truth, and common decency-his success in ses can believe it. We defy him to substantiate his Mr. Crary said that articipating what would be which must have filled his fellow-aristocrats with assertion by any reasonable or creditable testimony. the remarks of the gentleman from Kentucky, envy. He said he was desirous all emigrants should He might as well endeavor to show that the moon (Mr. Harlan,) he had refused to withdraw his call be sent back to their native land, and he considered is an icicle, or that alderman Merritt is a gentleman. for the previous question. Had he supposed they alderman Brady "very uncharitable" for wishing When Mr. Bruen inade the gross charge which would have been of a character similar to those of otherwise. Having delivered himself of his we have confuted, alderman Ingraham, whose cool. the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, "speech," he resumed his seat, and was then doom-ness, and eloquence, and good judgment, make him (Mr. Adams) he should have withdrawn the mo-ed to find his own insignificauce and inconsistency so formidable an antagonist to the aristocrats, extion with pleasure. He returned his thanks to the exposed by the individual whom he had undertak posed the fallacy and injustice of Mr. Bruen's gentleman from Kentucky for demonstrating just what Mr. C. thought he would demonstrate. The printing was then ordered; and the house passed to the consideration of private bills. Mr. H. went on to say that this paper called the Truth Teller was published in the city of New York by an alien editor, and was notorious for its strains of low abuse on respectable men. The number of that paper which had been sent here bore on its margin, in the proper handwriting of Mr. Secretary Woodbury, a direction to the clerk to place that paper on file among the papers relating to the introduction of foreign paupers. Where now was the gentleman's excuse that this had never been seen by the secretary, but had gone on the files in the ordinary routine of business? The secretary must have read and examined the paper, and then wrote that direction on its margin. Mr. H. had one excuse for both the president and his officer. Ever since the news of the democratic reaction throughont the country, the action of the secretary had been one series of blundering from day to day. The following are the articles from the "Truth Teller," which accompanied the report of the secre. tary of the treasury, and gave rise to the above discussion: From the N. Y. Truth Teller of June 24, 1837. ALIEN PASSENGERS-THE NEW COMMON COUN CIL DASTARDLY CONDUCT. en to meet in argument. Mr. Brady, by a gentle But the harmless chattering of alderman Merritt deserves little notice, while the fierce language and The course pursued by the leading aristocrats of sweeping charges of Mr. Bruen are before us.the present common council, particularly in the Mr. Bruen attacked Alderman Brady, the alien board of aldermen, is, beyond any thing we ever passengers, and adopted citizens, with the utmost heretofore witnessed, ungenerous, ungentlemanly, fury; uttering statements which certainly require and unjust a course which only escapes the indig-attention. He declared that "he knew that three nation of a few, to meet with the unqualified con- thousand votes were, in 1834, fabricated on the tempt of the many. The aristocrats, unused to oath of a single convict;" and repeated this statepower, but now possessing, unfortunately, an ex- ment, only omitting that the fabrication of the cess of it, act like men ordinarily temperate, who votes was not on the oath of one person. We are have for once engaged in a debauch and indulged glad Mr. Bruen made this statement, because it af too freely with liquor. Their demeanor is marked fords us the means of showing how corrupt and by a coarse and unfeeling recklessness towards the dangerous he is, how unmindful of his duty as a minority, than which nothing could be more pitiful; citizen, or how totally destitute of veracity. He and when we reflect that they have been chosen to states that he knows personally that three thousand represent the aristocratic party, which includes in individuals were illegally naturalized in 1834, in its numbers men of talent, and education, and de- this city. If this be true, why did not Mr. Bruen, cency, we are forced to wonder why such obscure, at the time the votes were "fabricated"-why does and, in some cases, illiterate individuals, have been he not now-institute a criminal prosecution against elevated over men who, however fixed and unalter- the illegal voters, and the person or persons who statement with much force of argument. This aroused the ire of Mr. Bruen, and he attained the climax of demented folly by saying that this country belongs to the Americans-that "if Irishmen assisted in obtaining our independence, they have been well paid for it;" and he thanked God the power of adopted citizens was at an end." Alderinan Patterson was foolish enough to state that his party did not exercise proscription, when he might just as rationally have denied being alive. He challenged alderman Ingraham to prove that adopted citizens have been proscribed. This is the ne plus ultra of brazen effrontery. A man stands by the stake on which he has seen hundreds of individuals suffer martyrdom for opinion's sake, and exclaims, "No one has sufferred for his belief, this stake, these bones, and this scathed ground, are the evidences of the existence of civil and religious freedom." An incendiary stands on the smouldering ruins of the buildings he has destroyed, and proclaims that the buildings have not been consumed. We have pursued this subject so far that we must leave it for the present, merely observing that the resolution we have copied passed, with a proriso that no alien passenger be sent back to Europe without his own consent. We will comment freely on this measure next week. From the N. Y. Truth Teller of June 24, 1857. To Aaron Clark, esq, SIR: In the letter I addressed to you last week, I pointed out to you the infamous notoriety which |