which spring from such disorders, will be but par- [banking institutions-that the uncertain period of probable. This board, with a distinguished French tially remedied. resumption must be delayed until the accomplish-engineer at its head, reported a system of fortificaIt is confidently believed that the interposition ment of certain pecuniary operations and political tions, extensive and sufficiently complete, though of the credit of the state in case an emergency objects which are distinctly shadowed forth in his to say that it would afford entire protection would shall arise imperiously demanding a resort to such letter, there is very strong reason to fear that the be untrue. The first class of fortifications were of a measure, would give success to the efforts now banks of this state will not be permitted to pursue stupendous dimensions, designed to protect the making to correct the numerous evils which have the course which they have resolved to take with large towns and other important points that were arisen from the present deranged and vitiated state out encountering more than the intrinsic difficulties most assailable. The subordinate classes were also of our currency, and it appears to me that if such of the measure. I am confidently persuaded that a on a scale proportionately large. Congress emwould be its effects, there should be no hesitation vast majority, if not almost the entire mass of our braced this system, and proceeded to carry it into on the part of the legislature in applying the re-constituents, are opposed to, and will expect their effect. medy. The benefits of such an interposition would representatives and public functionaries to resist, Mr. D. thought it was now important to look at be general, inasmuch as it would contribute in no the policy put forth by the United States Bank, of it. Though it was doubtless best that the country inconsiderable degree to relieve almost all branches continuing the issue of an irredeemable currency. should be well protected against invasion, he had at of business from depression, and all classes of our In the division which will spring from the extraor-all times given his votes to sustain this system with citizens from the inconveniences, inseparable from dinary position taken upon this subject, the people some degree of reluctance, under the belief that it the use of an irredeemable and depreciated paper. of this state, and its banking institutions will, I was an overgrown system. He had now before To avoid the creation of a new stock for the trust, be found among the friends and supporters of him the original estimate of the three classes of forexpress purpose of being loaned to the banks for a a sound currency-a currency equivalent in value, tifications, and he found that the engineers estilong period, I recommend that the commissioners to the legal standard; and will be arrayed against mated the whole cost at about $18,000,000. He of the canal fund be authorized to issue stock, the policy of continuing the issue of irredeeinable had the curiosity also to look at the actual expenwhich it is now certain will become necessary paper. To carry out their views in relation to this ditures on those forts that were said to be completwithin a few years, for the enlargement of the Erie subject, to sustain our institutions in the measure of ed, which were ten or twelve in number, and he canal, and the completion of the Black river and resumption, and to put an end to the evils of a de- found that their construction had cost just about Genesee valley canals, and if the apprehended einer-based circulating medium, I cannot doubt that they twice as much as was originally estimated by the gency should arise demanding its use, to loan it to will approve of the interposition by the legislature, engineers. At that rate this system, when comthe banks, requiring of them the most ample secu-in the manner I have suggested, or in any other pleted, would have cost at least $36,000,000; and ̧ rity for the punctual payment of the interest, and more efficient manner that may be devised. View then what followed? This would be the simple exthe reimbursment of the principal from time to ing this subject in reference to the present posture pense of construction alone; they must subsequenttime, as the money may be wanted in the progress of our pecuniary affairs, to the embarrassment in ly be armed, manned, and maintained. of these works. EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, Albany, April 12, 1838. } W. L. MARCY. which almost all branches of business are involved, The amount necessary for the completion of these and especially in reference to the attempt, by a forworks, will exceed the sum which may be required, midable moneyed power, to prolong the suspension in any event to sustain our state institutions against of specie payments beyond the period imposed by hostile attacks from whatever quarter they may necessity, I believe the present crisis must be gencome, and to enable them to grant such assistance erally regarded as one in which it is "the duty of as will invigorate all branches of industry, call forth the state to stand forth in its strength, and by the the energies of the state, and give an onward move-use of its credit and the sanction of its name, to ment to its business concerns. Although intelligent shield its institutions and its citizens from harin." merchants and bankers are of opinion that it will I am ready to co-operate with the other departments not probably be necessary to use the credit of the of the government in every proper effort that shall state, yet it may be otherwise, and the recent expo-promise such a result. sition of the views and policy of the Bank of the United States increases the apprehensions that a crisis will arise in which the credit of the state to some extent may be required. With a view of making ample provision for any such exigency, I respectfully recommend that authority should be given, in the manner suggested, to issue stock for the contemplated purpose to the amount of six or eight millions of dollars. This recommendation does not, it will be perceived, promise the creation of a stock, and eventually, if need be, the raising of money expressly for sustaining the banks in the measure of resumption and retrieving from their present depression the business concerns of the people, but it suggests for these highly important Mr. Davis said he wished to offer a few words of purposes, that the moneys which it is known will explanation, though the resolutions spoke pretty be required for the public works already authorized distinctly for themselves. They looked to rather by law, should be raised a short time before they an importaat end, and he desired, therefore, to call are wanted for expenditure. It is by no means to them, particularly, the attention of the senate certain that it will be necessary to use the power and of the exccutive department of the governhereby recommended to be invested in the coinmis-ment. sioners of the canal fund, but the consequences which would result to the state at large in case the contingency which might require its exercise should happen would be so extremely injurious, that I deem it expedient that the measure herein suggest ed, or some one of a similar character, should be adopted. Twenty years had now nearly elapsed since this process was commenced; and Mr. D. asked whether, during that time, there had not been changes in the country which demanded that we should look into the system, and see whether it ought not in justice to be modified. Mr. D. had now referred to steam as a means of defence. It was true that at the time when the system was adopted, steam, as a means of defence, was not unknown; it was experimented upon to some extent, but it was not so matured as to be very materially regarded in providing for the defence of this frontier. But inquiry into this subject, and the employment of steam in the civil marine, had now more fully developed its character, and shown that it could be employed as one of the most effective agents in the defence of the country. The question, therefore, arose, whether there ought not to be some modifications in the present system, and whether it might not be expedient to abandon some, and to diminish others of the existing and projected fortifications. SYSTEM OF DEFENCE. In the senate of the United States, April 10, 1833. The resolution offered some time since by Mr. Davis, calling on the department for information to enable the senate to determine what fortifications might be diminished and dispensed with, and In saying this, Mr. D. by no means wished to whether a system of defence, by the aid of steam lessen the efficiency of the defences of the counbatteries, would not be more economical and effi-try; but he desired that there should be no unnecient than the present sysem, coming up for con- cessary expenditure of the public money; and, sideration, above all, he would not unnecessarily lay such foundations as would render it necessary or expedient to maintain a large standing army. The force necessary to man these fortifications was set down in these estimates at nearly 38,000 in time of war, and in time of peace at about 5,000; and it was well known that subjects of this sort were always presented to congress in the most favorable aspect; and The government was now in want of funds, run therefore the 38,000 and 5,000 might be consideraground, as had been said by the senator from Mis-ed as the minimum numbers; and if the same rule souri. It was too true that, notwithstanding there should be applied as was found applicable to the had lately been a great surplus, a treasury full to expenditures, it would turn out that the numbers overflowing, at the last session a loan of $10,000,000 to the government had been provided for; and now, in the other house, a proposition had been A new interest is, in my opinion, given to the brought forward for a loan of $10,000,000 more, subject I have presented, and much force is added which, in all, would make a loan to the government to the considerations in favor of the measure I have of $20,000,000 within the present year. This recommended, by the course of conduct which it amount, a short time ago, would have been conis the avowed intention of the United States Bank sidered much more than enough for the annual uses of Philadelphia to pursue in relation to the resump-of the government; but it seemed that it was now tion. Had the determination to oppose a return to required in addition to the current revenue. Mr. specie payments, and the bold avowal of the policy D. however, alluded to these facts to show that the of maintaining irredeemable issues, come from any treasury and the revenue of the country were in an other quarter, they would have caused much less embarrassed condition, and that, too, when the surprise and regret. This institution has a capital country generally was at peace and free from a pub. of thirty-five millions of dollars, and possesses by lic debt. These resolutions were designed to call the terms of its charter, much more than ordinary the attention of the executive department of the banking powers and privileges--it has its agencies government to the defences of the Atlantic fronand long established business connexions in almost tier, for the purpose of an examination, to ascerevery state in the union-it enjoys an extensive tain what might be done in regard to them, in the credit, not only in this country, but in Europe; and way of economy as well as efficiency. When those its resources derived from this consideration alone, fortifications were commenced, we had recently are immense, it most confidently relies, as appears come out of a war with Great Britain, in which the by the language of its president, upon the subser- Atlantic frontier had suffered much annoyance, of the militia was of revolutionary origin; and, alviency of the banks of all the states except New commerce having been obstructed, and some small though it had been ridiculed, yet it must he regardYork, in falling into its views and co-operating with towns destroyed, and others menaced. It was, ed, by every cautious friend of republican princiit in carrying them into effect. When this formi-therefore, felt to be necessary to provide for the de- ples, as the only safe force for a free people, because dable power,-I believe I am warranted in saying fence of that frontier; and it might be said that, the citizen soldier was the only one that could be this formidable combination of powers.-is arrayed feeling the evils of that war, they went rather to relied on for the support of liberty. On these acagainst the measure of resuming specie payments, the opposite extreme in preparing for its defence, counts, especially, it was very desirable that the and has become the open champion of the suspen-that it might not be found again in the same ex-number of standing troops for the defence of the pension policy, and the advocate of an irredeemable posed condition. A board of engineers was ap-country should be as small as was possibly consistcurrency-when it is publicly announced by the pointed to examine the coast, and report to govern-ent with its safety. president of the United States Bank-the central ment an efficient system of defence, to be ready Mr. D. had said in the outset that the treasury power, as it may be called, of a confederation of when another war should occur, which was not im- was embarrassed, and all admitted that it was so of men must be doubled. But at least, though Mr. D. did not pretend to accuracy in his own estimates on this subject, he knew full well that the 38,000 and 5,000 men were put down as the smallest numbers. He would not estimate the expense of maintaining these men, though he believed it was placed by the department at about $300 a year for each inan. But it was not for that particularly that he objected to a standing army; and he meant in no way to disparage our troops in saying that a stand. ing army was in its very nature uncongenial to our institutions. Its sympathies were of course with the government, and not with the people; it drew its support out of the treasury, and its sympathies would follow the power that directly maintained it. It would therefore be effectively in the hands of the government; and, whenever the government chose to turn it to its own purposes, it might turn it against the people themselves and the liberties of the country; and his having the power to do so made it a dangerous engine in the hands of the executive of a free government The institution ty-five years cince it terminated. He would leave an fective, so as to drive the enemy out of our waters, impression that I opposed it. How? I was not in and force them to sea, where they could not live, congress when war was declared, nor in public lite, except at a distance from the coast. This would anywhere, was pursuing my profession, and keeping be a great advantage, and give the greatest possible tiffs and defendants. If I had been in congress, and company with judges, sheriffs, and jurors, and plainsecurity to the country. After some remarks from Mr. Benton the resolu- tleman's speeches, for all I can say, I might have conhad enjoyed the benefit of hearing the honorable gention was agreed to. curred with him. But I was not in public life. I never had been, for a single hour; and was in no situation, therefore, to oppose or to support the declaration of war. I am speaking to the faci, sir; and if the geneman, has any fact, let us know it. There had been, long ago, a call for great econo-steam batteries they would be immensely more ef- Had the number of its officers been ever re MR. WEESTER'S SPEECH, In answer to Mr. Calhoun-March 22, 1838. On Thursday, the 22d of March, Mr. Calhoun deduced? Had a system of reform been carried out livered the speech which was published in our last, in in any manner? If so, Mr. D. had never been answer to Mr. Webster's speech of March 12. When aware of it. The blue book would show that the he had concluded, Mr. Webster immediately rose, and number of officers had, on the contrary, been great-addressed the senate as follows: ly increased. Nor had their salaries been dimin Mr. PRESIDENT: I caine rather late to the senate this ished. Mr. D. was not aware that the salary of morning, and happening to meet a friend on the aveone individual among them had been diminished "le war was to be carried into Atrica," and I was exnue, I was admonished by him to hasten my steps, as for the last nine years; on the contrary, he knew, pected to be annihilated. I lust no time in following and every gentleman who heard him knew, that the advice, sir, since it would be awkward for one to whenever the subject was touched at all in congress be annihilated without knowing any thing about it. their salaries had been raised, and that in very Well, sir, the war has been brought into Africa. The many instances. There was, then, no great reform honorable member has made an expedition into regions in all this. Mr. Adam's administration had expend- as distant from the subject of this debate as the orb of ed about $12,000,000, annually, and in 1836-7 the Jupiter is from that of our earth. He has spoken of the tariff, of slavery, and of the late war. Of all this I do expenditure had risen to more than $30,000,000 a not complain. On the contrary, if it be his pleasure to year. allude to all, or any of these topics, for any purpose whatever, I am ready at all times to hear him. Mr. D. was at an utter loss how to see where there had been any reform or retrenchment. He hoped for something from this matter, if such answers were made as he had reason to expect to the resolutions. He hoped for a saving in this branch of the expenditures, if the information came in season to be used when the appropriation bills should come under consideration. Mr. D. proceeded to show, in detail, the great advantages that might be expected from the use of steam-batteries, especially in keeping the enemy's ships of war out of our bays and sounds, keeping our commerce open, and our towns and villages more free from danger and alarm. He urged, also, that Great Britain, by using them on her part, would ultimately compel us to use them, willing or not, which we might do with great comparative advantage, having the means and the materials at hand in all parts of the country, while their depots must be at Halifax and Bermuda. He insisted that it was high time for the government to enter into an inquiry on this subject with zeal and earnest ness. Sir, this carrying the war into Africa, which has become so common a phrase among us, is, indeed, initating a great example; but it is an example which is not always followed by success. In the first place, sir, every man, though he be a man of talent and gemus, is not a Scipio; and in the next place, as I recollect this part of Roan and Carthagenian history-the gentle Scipio resolved upon carrying the war into Africa, man may be more accurate-but as I recollect it, when Hannibal was not at home. Now, sir, I am very little like Hannibal, but I am at home; and when Scipio Africanus South Carolinaensis brings the war into my territories, I shall not leave their defence to Asdrubal, nor Syphax, nor any body else. I nicet him on the shore, at his landing, and propose but one contest, Concurritur; 1 found it waged, and raging. And what did I do here Well, sir, came into congress during the war. I to oppose it? Look to the journals. Let the honorable genileman tax his memory. Bring up any thing, if there be any thing to bring up-aot showing error of opinion, but showing want of loyalty or fidelity to the did the honorable gentleman. I did not approve of country. I did not agree to all that was proposed, nor every measure, nor did he. The war had been preceded by the restrictive sys tem and the embargo. As a private individual, I cer tainly did not think well of these measures. It appeared to me the embargo annoyed us as much as our enemies, while it destroyed the business and cramped the spirits of the people. told In this opinion I may have been right or wroug, but the gentleman was himself of the same opinion. He of party, on great questions, that he differed with his us, the other day, as a proof of his independence friends on the subject of the embargo. He was decidedly and unalterably opposed to it. It furnishes, in his judgment, therefore, no imputation either on iny that I was opposed to it also. I mean opposed in opinpatriotism, or the sundness of my political opinions, ion: for I was not in congress, and had nothing to do with the act creating the embargo. And as to opposi in'o congress, I again say, let the gentleman specitytion to measures for carrying on the war, after I came let him lay his finger on any thing, calling for an au swer, and he shall have an answer. -- Mr. President, you were yourself in the house during a considerable part of this time. The honorable gen tleman may make a witness of you. He may make a witness of any body else. He may be his own witness. Give us but some fact, some charge, something capa "Aut cita mors, aut victoria læta." ble in itself either of being proved or disproved. Prove Mr. President, I had made up my mind that if the any thing, not cons.stent with honorable and patriote in the ordinary way, I would not say another syllable. this subject has been alluded to, in a manner which jus honorable gentleman should confine himself to a reply, conduci, and I am ready to answer it. Sir, I am glad Bet he has not done so. He has gone off into subjects tities me in taking public notice of it; because I am quite remote from all connexion with revenue, com- well aware that, for ten years past, infinite pains have inerce, finance, or sub-treasuries, and invites to a dis- been taken to find something, in the range of these cussion which, however uninteresting to the public at topics, which might create prejudice against me in the He said we all remembered how the population the present moment, is too personal to be declined by country. The journals have all been pored over, and of Chesapeake bay were harassed, the shipping de-me. the reports ransacked, and scraps of paragraphs an I stroyed, the trade upon this great inland through- He says, sir, that I had undertaken to compare my half sentences have been collected, put together in he fare completely cut up, by British vessels that had polical character and conduct with us. Far from it. talsest manner, and then made to fare out, as if there possession of this highway, while we had no means attempted no such thing. I compared the gent eman's had been some discovery. But all this failed. The of resisting their depredations. To obviate this, and expressed decided opposition to those which heters were sought for, to learn if, in the confidence of political opinions at different times, with one another, next resort was to supposed correspondence. My le we had built two fortifications at an outlay of from now holds. And I did, certainly, advert to the gen- private friendship, I had never said any thing which an three to four millions, to secure Hampton Roads,eral tone and drift of the gentleman's sentiments and enemy could make use of. With this view, the vicinity but these did not shut an enemy out of the bay. expressions, for some years past, in their bearing on of my former residence has been searched, as with a They only served as a place of refuge for our own the union, with such remarks as I thought they deserv-ighted candle. New Hampshire has been explored, vessels, and this was a great point gained. If we ed; but instituted no comparison between him and from the mouth of the Merrimack to the White Hills. now added a small fleet of heavy arined steamers to myscf. He may institute one, if he pleases, and when In one instance a gentleman had left the state, gone the defence of this water, no vessel or vessels he pleases. Seeking nothing of this kind, I avoid five hundred miles off, and died. His papers were exwould dare enter it, whatever might be their force, noting. Let it be remembered, that the gentleman amined, a letter was found, and I have understood it for if they should be becalmed or come to anchor, began the debate by attempting to exhit a contrast was brought to Washington, a conclave was held to or become incapable of being worked from any friends and myself, and our recent opinions and con- else against Mr. Webster, the matter had better be let between the present opinions and conduct of my consider it, and the result was, that if there was not ing cause, they must be sacrificed to even a single bat-duct. Here is the first charge of inconsistency; let the alone. Sir, I hope to make every body of that opinion tery, that choose its own position, and destroy public judge whether he has made it good. He says, who brings against me a charge of want of patriotism. them, while it would be little exposed to danger. sir, that on several questions I have taken different Errors of opinion can be found, doubtless, on many The hazard, therefore, of entering bays and interior sides, at different times; let him show it. If he shows subjects; but as conduct flows from the feelings which waters against such a force was so imminent that any change of opinion, I shall be called on to give a animate the heart, I know that no act of my life has few would incur it, unless aided by steam. If, reason, and to account for it. I leave it to the country had its origin in the want of ardent love of country. therefore, we relied more on this kind of defence to say whether, as yet, he has shown any such thing. Sir, when I came to congress, I found the honorable and less on large fortifications, our internal trade else to say. He had prepared, it seems, to draw com-atives. But, sir, before attempting that, he has something gentleman a leading member of the house of represen would be left to its free, uninterrupted action, and parisons himself. He had intended to say something, first measures of magnitude, after I came here, was Well, sir, in what did we diffcr? One of the we should enjoy all the vast benefits of it in time if time had allowed! Sir, time does allow-time must Mr. Dallas' proposition for a bank. It was a war of war, and the inhabitants and their property allow. A general remark of that kind ought not to would cease to be molested. This kind of force be, cannot be, left to produce its effect, when that ef- to enable governinent to carry on the war. measure. It was urged as being absolutely necessary Governhad at all times this great advantage; it could be fect is obviously intended to be unfavorable. Why did ment wanted revenue-such a bank it was hoped suddenly concentrated and be brought to bear with the gentleman allude to my votes, or my opinions, res- would furnish it and on that account it was warmly all its power where emergencies called for it. pecting the war, at all, unless he had something to pressed and urged on congress. You remember ali say? Does he wish to leave an undefined impression this, Mr. President. You remember how much some that something was done, or something said, by me, persons supposed the success of the war and the salvanot now capable of defence or justification? something tion of the country depended on carrying that measure. not reconcileable with true patriotism? He means that, Yet the honorable member from South Carolina c forth: let him take the responsibility of the accusation: of merit--none too mach, but still a good deal of merit, or nothing. And now, sir, let him bring the matter posed this bill. He now takes to himself a good deal let him state his facts. I am here to answer: I am for having defeated it. here, this day, to answer. Now is the time, and now It was a mere paper bank-a mere machine for fabri Well, sir, I agreed with him. the hour. I think we read, sir, that one of the good cating irredeemable paper. It was a new form for paspirits would not bring against the arch enemy of man- per money; and, instead of benefitting the country, I kind a railing accusation: and what is railing, but gen-thought it would plunge it deeper and deeper in diilieral reproach-an imputation, without fact, time, or culty. I made a speech on the subject; it has often circumstance? Sir, I call for particulars. The gen- been quoted. There it is; let whoever pleases read and journals show it all, from the moment I came into con-hibits; on the other hand, I am not ashamed of it, for tleman knows my whole conduct well: indeed, the exam ne it. I am not proud of it for any ability it exthing unpatriotic-any thing which, as far as love to gentleman himself took the lead against this measure gress till the peace. If I have done, then, sir, any the spirit which it manifests. But, sir, I say again, the country goes, will not bear comparison with his, or any this darling measure of the administration. I followed man's conduct-let it now be stated. Give me the him; if I was seduced into error, or into unjustifiable fact, the time, the manner. He speaks of the war; opposition, there sits my seducer. that which we call the late war, though it is now twen And in regard to Long Island sound, one end of it was closed in, with the exception of the narrow passage of East river, while the other was too wide open to be fortified; and what was the conse quence? The British had entered the sound with their ships of war, and blockaded the whole adjacent coast, had confined the vessels in the ports, and stopped the intercourse, so that while flour could not be sold here and at Baltimore, in the east it brought $16, and could hardly be procured at all, because it had to be transported by land; whereas, if steam batteries had been used, the way would probably have been kept open. Mr. D. had little hesitation in saying that a few batteries of this sort would afford more effectual protection than any system of protection which could be employed. Fortifications were also necessarry for the protection of these batteries themselves, and the defence of the important points of the country, but with the What sir, were other leading sentiments, or leading NILES' NATIONAL REGISTER-APRIL 28, 1838-MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH. measures of that day? On what other subjects did men differ? The gentleman has adverted to one, and that a most important one; I mean the navy. He says, and says truly, that at the commencement of the war the navy was unpopular. It was unpopular with his friends, who then controlled the politics of the country. But he says he differed with his friends; in this respect he resisted party inanence and party conexion, and was the friend and advocate of the navy. Sir, I commend him for it. He showed his wisdom. That gallant little navy soon fought itself into favor, and showed that no man, who had placed reliance on it, had been disappointed. Well, sir, in all this, I was exactly of the same opinion as the honorable gentleman. friend to the south. Why, sir, the only proof is, that I Now, sir, this is quite a new idea. I never heard it advanced until this session. I have heard gentlemen Sir, I do not know when my opinion of the impor- contend that no such power was in the constitution; tance of a naval force to the United S ates had its ori- but the notion, that though the constitution contained gia. I can give no date to my sentiments on this sub-no prohibition, yet that congress had plighted its faith, jest, because I never entertained different sentiments. not to exercise such a power, is an entire novelty, so I remember, sir, that immediately after coming into far as I know. I must say, sir, it appeared to me litle my profession, at a period when the navy was most else than an attempt to put a prohibition into the conunpopular, when it was called by all sorts of hard stitution, because there was none there already. For names, and designated by many course epithets, on this supposed plighting of the public faith, or the faith one of those occasions, on which young men address of congress, I saw no ground, either in the history of their neighbors, I ventured to put forth a boy's hand in the government, or in any one fact, or in any argument. defence of the navy. I insisted on its importance, its I therefore could not vote for the proposition. adaptation to our circumstances, and to our national character; and its indispensable necessity, if we intendel to maintain and extend our commerce. These opinions and sen imea's I brought into congress; and, so far as I remember, it was the first, or among the first times, in which I presumed to speak on the topics of the day, that I attempted to urge on the house a greater attention to the naval service. There were Oa these modes, divers modes of prosecuting the war. or on the degree of attention and expense which should be bestowed on each, different men held diderent opinions. I confess I looked with most hope to the results of naval warfare, and therefore I invoke i government to invigorate and strengthen that art of the national defence. I invoked it to seek its enemies upon the soas to go where every auspicious indication pointed, and where the whole heart and soul of the country would go with it. Sir, we were at war with the greatest maritime power on earth. England had gained an ascendancy on the seas over the whole combined powers of Europe. She had been at war twenty years. She had tried her fortunes on the continent, but generally with no success. At one time, the whole continent had been closed against her. A long line of armed exterior, an unbrokea hostile array, frowned upon her from the gulf of Archangel, round the promontory of Spain and Portugal, to the foot of the boot of Italy. There was not a port which an English ship could enter. Every where on the land the genius of her great enemy had triumphed. He had defeated arines, crushed coalitions, and overturned thrones; but, like the fabled giant, he was unconquerable only while ne touched the land. On the ocean, he was powerless. That field of fame was his adversary's, and her meteor flag was streaming in triumph all over it. every To her maritime ascendancy, England owed "Her march is o'er the mountain wave, Now, sir, since we were at war with her, I was for intercepting this march; I was for calling upon her, and paying our respects to her at home; I was for giving her to know that we, too, had a right of way over the seas, and that our marine officers and our sailors were not entire strangers on the bosom of the deep; I was for doing something more with our navy, than to keep it on our shores, for the protection of our own coasts and our own harbors; I was for giving play to its gallant and burning spirit; for allowing it to go forth upon the seas, and to encounter, on an open and an equal field, whatever the proudest or the bravest of the enemy could bring against it. I knew the character of its officers, and the spirit of its seamen; and I knew that, in their hans, though the flag of the country might go down to the bottom, while they went with it, yet that it could never be dishonored or disgraced. utmost. 133 carried fairly above the principal: in other words, that Sir, this is a very grave matter; it is a subject very exciting and inflammable. I take, of course, all the responsibility belonging to my opinions; but I desire But, I have said in this place before, and I repeat these opinions to be understood, and tairly stated. If I am to be regarded as an enemy to the south, because I could not support the gentleman's resolutions, be it so. I cannot purchase favor from any quarter, by the sacri- now, that Mr. Madison's publication, after that period, fice of clear and conscientious convictions. The prin- and his declaration that the convention did in end to will add, sir, that a paper drawn up by Dr. Franklin, cipal resolution declared that congress had plighted its grant the power of protection, under the commercial faith, not to interfere, either with slavery or the slave-clause, placed the subject in a new and clear light. I trade, in the District of Columbia. and read by him to a circle of friends in Philadelphia, on the eve of the assembling of the convention, respecting the powers which the proposed new government ought to possess, shows, perfectly plain, that, in regulating commerce, it was expected congress would adopt a course, which should, to some degree, protect Well, sir, and now what does the gentleman make the manufactures of the north. He certainly went into the convention hinself under that conviction. out against me in relation to the tariff? What laurels established policy of the country. I have never quesdoes he gather in this part of Africa? I opposed the policy of the tariff, until it had become the settled and Sir, it is now several years since I took care to make ioned the constitutional power of congress to grant my opinion known, that this government has, consti-protection, except so far as the remark goes, made in tutionally, nothing to do with slavery, as it exists in the Faneuil hall, which remark respects only the length to That opinion is entirely unchanged. I stand which protection night properly be carried, so far as states. steadily by the resolution of the house of representa- the power is derived from the authority to lay duties on tives, adoped, after much consideration, at the com- impor's. But the policy being established, and a great mencement of the government-which was, that con- part of the country having placed vast interests at stake gress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation in it, I have not disturbed it; on the contrary, I have of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the insisted that it ought not to be disturbed. If there be Here, sir, I cease to speak of myself; and respectstates; it remaining with the several states alone to pro-inconsistency in all this, the gentleman is at liberty to vide any regalations therein, which humanity and true blazon it forth; let him see what he can make of it. policy may require. This, in my opinion, is the constitution, and the law. I feel bound by it. I have fully ask pardon of the senate for having so long deSir, the honorable member is pleased to suppose that quoted the resolution often. It expresses the judgment tained it, upon any thing so unimportant as what reof men of all parts of the country, deliberately formed, lates merely to my own public conduct and opinions. But this has nothing to do with our spleen is excited, because he has interfered to snatch in a cool time; and it expresses my judginent, and I shall adhere to it. the other constitutional question; that is to say, the from us a victory over the administration. If he means mere constitutional question, whether congress has the by this any personal disappointment, I shall not think power to regulate slavery and the slave-trade in the it worth while to make a remark upon it. If he means a disappointment at his quitting us while we were endeavoring to arrest the present policy of the adminis District of Columbia. tration, why, then, I admit, sir, that I, for one, felt that disappointment deeply. It is the policy of the administration, its principles, and its measures, which I oppose. It is not persons, but things; not men, but measures. shall be followed by the political defeat of its authors, I do wish, most fervently, to put an end to this anticommercial policy; and if the overthrow of the policy why, sir, it is a result which I shall endeavor to meet with equanimity. On such a ques ion, sir, when I am asked what the constitution is, or whether any power granted by it has been compromised away; or, indeed, could be compromised away-I must express my honest opinion, and always shall express it, if I say any thing, notwithstanding it may not meet concurrence either in the south, or the north, or the east, or the west. I cannot express, by my vote, what I do not believe. But now, sir, I must advert to a declaration of the honorable member, which, I confess, did surprise me. He charges me with inconsistency. That may de- The honorable member says that, personally, he and pend on deciding what inconsistency is, in respect to myself have been on friendly terms, but that we always such subjects, and now it is to be proved. I will state differed on great constitutional questions! Sir, this is the facts, for I have them in my mind somewhat more astounding. And yet I was partly prepared for it; for fully than the honorable member has himself presented I sat here the other day, and held my breath, while the them. Let us begin at the beginning. In 1816, I voted honorable gentleman declared and repeated, that he against the tariff law, which then passed. In 1824, I always belonged to the state rights party! And he again voted against the tariff law, which was then pro-means, by what he has declared to-day, that he has alposed, and which passed. A majority of New Eng-ways given to the constitution a construction more land votes, in 1824, was against the tariff system. The limited, better guarded, less favorable to the extension bill received but one vote from Massachusetts; but it of the powers of this government, than that which I passed. The policy was established; New England have given to it. He has always interpreted it accordacquiesced in it; conformed her business and pursuits ing to the strict doctrine of the school of state rights! to it; embarked her capital, and employed her labor, in Sir, if the honorable member ever belonged, until very manufactures; and I certainly adinit that, from that lately, to the state righ's party, the connexion was very time, I have felt bound to support interests thus called much like a secret marriage. And never was secret into being, and into importance, by the settled policy better kept. Not only were the espousals not acknowOn the contrary, they acted like parties who were not of the government. I have stated this often here, and ledged, but all suspicion was avoided. There was no often elsewhere. The ground is defensible, and I known familiarity, or even kindness between them.-at all fond of each other's company. He has chosen to bring that subject into this debate, Sir, as to the honorable member's rescuing the vicwith which it has no concern, but he may make the most of it, if he thinks he can produce unfavorable impressions on the south, from my negative to his fifth re-tory from us, or as to his ability to sustain the adminisand carried, by the force of public opinion, and that no solution. As to the rest of them, they were common-tration in this policy, there may be a drachm of a scruplaces, generally, or abstractions; in regard to which, ple about that. I trust the citadel will yet be stormed, one may well not feel himself called on to vote at all. And now, sir, in regard to the tariff. That is a long Hector will be able to defend its walls. honorable member. chapter, but I am quite ready to go over it with the maintain it. As to the resolutions adopted in Boston, in 1820, and Since she was our enemy-and a most powerful enciny-I was for touching her, if we could, in the very apple of her eye; for reaching the highest feather in her cap; for clutching at the very brigirest jewel in her crown. There seemed to me to be a peculiar propriety in all this, as the war was undertaken for the redress of maritime injuries alone. It was a war declared for The resolutions, sir, were opposed to the commencfree trade and sailors' rights. The ocean, therefore, was the proper theatre for deciding this controversy ing of a high tariff policy. I was opposed to it, and with our eneing, and on that theatre my ardent wish spoke against it-the city of Boston was opposed to it was, that our on power should be concentrated to the the commonwealth of Massachusetts was opposed to it. Remember, sir, that this was in 1320. This oppoSo much, sir, for the war, and for my conduct and sition continued till 1321. The votes all show this. But opinions as connected with it. And, as I do not mean in 1921, the question was decided; the government ento recur to this subject often, nor ever, unless indispen- tered upon the policy; it invited men to embark their sably necessary, I repeat the demand for any charge, property and their means of living in it. Individuals any accusation, any allegaton whatever, that throws have done this to a great extent; and, therefore, I say, me behind the honorable gentleman, or beniad any so long as the manufactures shall need reasonable and other man, in honor, in fi lelity, in devoted love to that just protection from government, I shall be disposed to country in which I was born, which has honored me, and which I serve. I, who seldom deal in defiance, now, here, in my place, boldly defy the honorable 11ember to put his insinuation in the form of a charge, and to support that charge by any proof whatever. Sir, is there a man, ia my hearing, among all the gentlemen now surrounding us, many of whom, of both gentleman and myself perfectly; is there one, who ever houses, have been here many years, and know the ber belonged to the state rights party before the year heard, supposed, or dreamed, that the honorable mem1825? Can any such connexion be proved upon himSir, I will show you, before I resume my seat, that it can he prove it upon himself, before that time? was not until after the gentleman took his seat in the chair which you now occupy, that any public mani festation, or intimation, was ever given by him, of his having embraced the peculiar doctrines of the state rights party. The truth is, sir, the honorable gentleman had acted a very important and useful part during the war. But the war terminated. Toward the close of the session of 1314-'15, we received the news of peace. This closed the 13th congress. In the fall of 1815, the 14th congress assembled. It was full of ability, and the honorwhole of that congress; and now, sir, it is easy to be able gentleman stood high among its distinguished members. He remained in the house, sir, through the I remember to have said, sir, at the meeting in Fane-shown, that, during those two years, the honorable The gentleman has a Iverted to the subject of slavery. On this subject, he says, I have not proved myself al uil hall, that protection appeared to be regarded as in- gentleman took a decided lead, in all those great mea give it to them. What is there, sir, in all this, for the Pickering, then one of the representatives from Massa- sures, which he has since so often denounced, as un- | in that shape, on that account; and among them colonel | And now, sir, since the honorable gentleman says he constitutional and oppressive-the bank, the tariff, and internal improvements. The war being terminated, the gentleman's mind turned itself toward internal ad ministration and improvement. He surveyed the whole country, contemplated all its resources, saw what it was capable of becoming, and held a political faith, not so narrow and contracted as to restrain him from useful and efficient action. He was, therefore, at once, a full length ahead of all others, in measures, which were national, and which required a broad and liberal construction of the constitution. This is historic truth. Of his agency in the bank, and other measures connected with the currency, I have already spoken, and I do not understand him to deny any thing I have said, in that particular. Indeed, I have said nothing capable of denial. First, that the proportion of the fund to be expended in each state, respectively, should be in proportion to the number of its inhabitants; differed from me on constitutional questions, will he be pleased to say what constitutional opinion I have ever expressed, for which I have not his express authority? Is it on the bank power? the tariff power? the power of internal improvement? I have shown his votes, his speeches, and his conduct, on all these subjects, up to the time when general Jackson became a candidate for the presidency. From that time, sir, I know we have differed; but if there was any difference before that time, I call upon him to point it out what was the occasion, what the question, and what the difference? And if, before that period, sir, by any speech, any vote, any public proceeding, or by any other mode of an nouncement whatever, he gave the world to know that he belonged to the state-rights party, I hope he will now be kind enough to produce it, or to refer to it, or to tell us where we may look for it Second, that the money should be applied in constructing such roads, canals, &c. in the several states, as congress might direct, with the assent of the state. This, sir, was Timothy Pickering's amendment of the honorable gentleman's bill. And now, sir, how did Now allow me a few words upon the tariff. The the honorable gentleman, who has always belonged to tariff of 1816 was distinctly a South Carolina measure: the state-rights party, how did he treat this amendment, Sir, I will pursue this topic no further. I would not Look at the votes, and you will see it. It was a tariff, or this substitute? Which way, do you think, his state- have pursued it so far-I would not have entered upon for the benefit of South Carolina interests, and carried rights doctrine led him? Why, sir, I will tell you. He it at all had it not been for the astonishment I felt, through congress by South Carolina votes, and South immediately rose, and moved to strike out the words mingled, I confess, with something of warmer feeling, Carolina influence. Even the minimum, sir, the so-"with the assent of the state!" Here is the journal un- when the honorable gentleman declared that he had much-reproached, the abominable minimum, that sub- der my hand, sir; and here is the gentleman's motion. always differed from me on constitutional questions. ject of so much angry indignation and wrathful rheto- And certainly, sir, it will be admitted, that this motion Sir, the honorable member read a quotation or twɔ ric, is of southern origin, and has a South Carolina was not of a nature to intimate that he had become from a speech of mine in 1816, on the currency or parentage. wedded to state rights. But the words were not strick-bank question. With what intent, or to what end? en out. The motion did not prevail. Mr. Pickering's What inconsistency does he show? Speaking of the substitute was adopted, and the bill passed the house in legal currency of the country, that is, the coin, I then that form. said it was in a good state. Was not that true? I was speaking of the legal currency; of that which the law made a tender. And how is that inconsistent with anv thing said by me now, or ever said by me? Sir, the contest on that occasion, was chiefly between the cotton-growers at home, and the importers of cotton fabrics from India. These India fabrics were made from the cotton of that country. The people of this In committee of the whole on this bill, sir, the honorcountry were using cotton fabrics, not made of Ameri- able member made a very able speech, both on the pol. can cotton, and, so far, they were diminishing the de-icy of internal improvements, and the power of congress mand for such cotton. The importation of India cot-over the subject. Those points were fully argued by tons was then very large, and this bill was designed to him. He spoke of the importance of the system; the put an end to it, and, with the help of the minimum, it vast good it would produce, and its favorable effect on did put an end to it. The cotton manufactures of the the union of the states. "Let us, then," said he, "bind north were then in their infancy. They had some the republic together, with a perfect system of roads and friends in congress, but if I recollect, the majority of canals. Let us conquer space. It is thus the most disMassachusetts members and of New England mem- tan. parts of the republic will be brought within a few bers were against this cotton tariff of 1816. I remem- days travel of the centre; it is thus that a citizen of the ber well, that the main debate was, between the im-" west will read the news of Boston still moist from the porters of India cottons in the north, and the cottonpress." growers of the south. The gentleman cannot deny the truth of this, or any part of it. Boston opposed this tariff, and Salem opposed it, warmly and vigorously. But the honorable member supported it, and the law passed. And now be it always remembered, sir, that that act passed on the professed ground of protection: that it had in it the minimum principle, and that the honorable member and other leading gentlemen from his own state supported it, voted for it, and carried it through congress. I declared then, he says, that the framers of this go vernment were hard-money men. Certainly they were. But, are not the friends of a convertible paper hardmoney men, in every practical and sensible meaning of the term? Did I, in that speech, or ony other, insist on excluding all convertible paper from the uses of society? Most assuredly I did not. I never quite so far lost my wits, I think. There is but a single sentence in that speech which I should qualify, if I were to deliver it again and that the honorable member has not noBut, on the power of congress to make internal im- ticed. It is a paragraph respecting the power of conprovements; ay, sir, on the power of congres, hear him!gress over the circulation of state banks, which might, What were then his rules of construction and interpre perhaps, need explanation or correction. Understandtation? How did he at hat time read and understanding it as applicable to the case then before congress, all the constitution? Why, sir, he said that he was no the rest is perfectly accordant with my present opin advocate for refined arguments on the constitution. ions. It is well known that I never doubted the power The instrument was not intended as a thesis for the of congress to create a bank; that I was always in favor logician to exercise his ingenuity on. It ought to be of a bank, constituted on proper principles; that I voted construed with plain good sense." This is all very for the bank bill of 1815, and opposed that of 1316 only just, I think, sir; and he said much more. He quoted on account of one or two of its provisions, which I and And now, sir, we come to the doctrine of internal many instances of laws, passed, as he contended, on others hoped to be able to strike out. I am a hardimprovement that other usurpation, that other oppres- similar principles, and then added, that he introduced money man, and always have been, and always shall sion, which has come so near to justifying violent abrup- these instances to prove the uniform sense of congress be. But I know the great use of such bank paper as is tion of the government, and scattering the fragments of and of the country, (for they had not been objected to.) convertible into hard-money, on demand; which may the union to the four winds. Have the gentleman's as to our powers; and surely," said he, "they furnish be called specie paper, and which is equivalent to spestate-rights opinions always kept him aloof from such better evidence of the true interpretation of the consti- cie in value, and much more convenient and useful. unhallowed infringements of the constitution? He says tution than the most refined and subtle arguments." he always differed with me on constitutional questions. Here, you see, Mr. President, how little original I am. How was it in this most important particular? Has he You have heard me, again and again, contending in here stood on the rampar's, brandishing his glittering my place here for the stability of that which has been sword against assailants, and holding out a banner of long settled; you have heard me, till I dare say you have defiance? Sir-sir-sir-it is an indisputable truth, been tired, insisting that the sense of congress, so often But, sir, I have insisted that government is bound to that he is himself the man-the ipse that first brought expressed, and the sense of the country, so fully known, protect and regulate the means of commerce, to see forward, in congress, a scheme of general internal im- and so firmly established, ought to be regarded as hay that there is a sound currency for the use of the people. provement, at the expense, and under the authority of ing decided, finally, certain constitutional questions. The honorable gentleman asks, what then is the this government. He, sir, is the very man, the ipsissi- You see now, sir, what authority I have for this mode limit? Must congress also furnish all means of commus ipse, who, considerately, and on a settled system, of argument. But while the scholar is learning, the merce? Must it furnish weights, and scales, and steelbegan these unconstitutional measures, if they be un-teacher renounces. Will he apply his doctrine now-yards? Most undoubtedly, sir, it must regulate weights constitutional. And now for the proof. I sincerely wish he would-to the question of the bank, and measures; and it does so. But the answer to the On the other hand, I abhor all irredeemable paper; all old-fashioned paper money; all deceptive promises; every thing, indeed, in the shape of paper issued for cit culation, whether by government or individuals, which may not be turned into specie at the will of the holder. The act incorporating the Bank of the United States, to the question of the receiving of bank notes by gov- general question is very obvious. Government must was passed in April, 1816. For the privileges of the ernment, to the power of congress over the paper cur- furnish all that which none but government can furnish. charter, the proprietors of the bank were to pay to go- rency? Will he, sir, will he admit that these ought to Government must do that for individuals which indivivernment a bonus, as it was called, of one million five be regarded as decided, by the settled sense of the con- duals cannot do for themselves. That is the very end hundred thousand dollars, in certain instalments. Go-gress of the country? Oh, no. Far otherwise. From of government. Why, else, have we a governinent? vernment also took seven millions in the stock of the these rules of judgment, and from the influence of all And can individuals make a currency? Can indini bank. Early in the next session of congress-that is, in considerations of this practical nature, the honorable duals regulate money? The distinction is as broad and December, 1816-the honorable member moved, in the member now takes these questions with him into the plain as Pennsylvania avenue. No man can mistake house of representatives, that a committee be appointed upper heights of metaphysics, into the regions of these it, or well blunder out of it. The gentleman asks if goto consider the propriety of setting apart this bonus, and refinements and subtle arguments which he rejected verument must furnish for the people ships, and boats, also the dividends on the stock belonging to the United with so much decision in 1817, as appears by this and wagons. Certainly not. The gentleman here only States, as a permanent fund for internal improvement. speech. He quits his old ground of common sense, recites the president's message of September. These The committee was appointed, and the honorable mem- experience, and the general understanding of the coun- things, and all such things, the people can furnish for ber was made its chairman. He thus originated the try, for a flight among theories and abstractions. themselves; but they cannot make a currency; they plan, and took the lead in its execution. Shortly after- And now, sir, let me ask, when did the honorable cannot, individually, decide what shall be the money of wards, he reported a bill carrying out the objects for member relinquish these early opinions and principles the country. That, every body knows, is one of the which the committee had been appointed. This bill of his? When did he make known his adhesion to prerogatives and one of the duties of government; and provided that the dividends on the seven millions of the doctrines of the state-rights party? We have been a duty which I think we are most unwisely neglecting. bank stock belonging to government, and also the whole speaking of transactions in 1816 and 1817. What the We may as well leave the people to make war and to of the bonus, should be permanently pledged, as a fund gentleman's opinions then were, we have seen. But make peace, each man for himself, as to leave indivifor constructing roads and canals; and that this fund when did he announce himself a state-rights man? I duals the regulation of commerce and currency. should be subject to such specific appropriations as con- have already said, sir, that nobody knew of his claiming Mr. President, there are other remarks of the gentlegress might thereafter make. that character until after the commencement of 1825; man of which I might take notice. But, should I do and I have said so, because 1 have before me an ad- so, I should only repeat what I have already said, either dress of his to his neighbors of Abbeville, in May of now or heretofore. I shall, therefore, not now allude to that year, in which he recounts, very properly, the prin- them. cipal incidents in his career, as a member of congress, and as head of a department; and in which he says that, as a member of congress, he had given his zealous efforts in favor of a restoration of specie currency; of a due protection of those munufactures which had taken root during the war, and, finally, of a system for connecting the various parts of the country by a judicious system of internal improvement. This was the bill; and this was the first project ever brought forward, in congress, for a system of internal improvements. The bill goes the whole doctrine, at a single jump. The Cumberland road, it is true, was already in progress; and for that the gentleman had also voted. But there were, and are now, peculiarities about that particular expenditure, which sometimes satisfy scrupulous consciences; but this bill of the gentleman's, without equivocation or saving clause-without if, or and, or but occupied the whole ground at once, and announced internal inprovement as one of the objects of this government, on a grand and systematic plan. This bill, sir, seemed indeed too strong. It was thought by persons not esteemed extremely jealous of state rights, to evince, nevertheless, too little regard to the will of the states. Several gentlemen opposed the measure, And he adds, that it afterwards became his duty, as a member of the administration, to aid in sustaining, against the boldest assaults, those very measures, which, as a member of congress, he had contributed to establish. My principal purpose, in what I have said, has been: first, to defend myself that was my first object; and next, as the honorable member has attempted to take to himself the character of a strict constructionist, and a state-rights man, and on that basis to show a difference, not favorable to me, between his constitutional opinions and my own, heretofore, it has been my intention to show that the power to create a bank, the power to regulate the currency by other and direct mean, the power to lay a protecting tariff, and the power of internal improvement, in its broadest sense, are all powers which the honorable gentleman himself has supported, has acted on, and in the exercize of which, indeed, I will say a few words, before I resume my seat, on the motion now pending. That motion is, to strike out the specic-paying part of the bill. I have a suspicion, sir, that the motion will prevail. If it should, it will leave a great vacuum; and how shall that vacuum be filled? The part proposed to be strack out, is that which requires all deb's to government to be paid in specie. It makes a good provision for government, and for public men, through all classes. The secretary of the treasury, in his letter, at the last session, was still more watchful of the interest of the holders of office. He assured us, bad as the times were, and notwithstanding the floods of bad paper which deluged the country, members of congress should get specie.. on me a charge of inconsistency. I am pleased that he has afforded me, on this occasion, an opportunity to speak of this portion of our political history, and of the part I took. It is one that requires explanation, not only in reference to myself, but the party to which I This, sir, is the law, the spirit of which I commend to gentlemen. I will not speak of the appropriateness of these several allowances for the civil list. But the example is good, and I am of opinion, that until congress shall perform its duty, by seeing that the country enjoys a good currency, the same medium which the people belong. are obliged to use, whether it be skins or rags, is good In supporting the measure to which the senator reenough for its own members. ferred, I was not alone: I acted with the great body of Mr. Calhoun again rose and said, I am not at all sur-the party: and, if I took a more prominent part in relation to them than others, it is to be attributed to the position which I held in the house and the party at the time. It is not my intention to defend those measures; but to explain, in justice to myself and the party, the circumstances under which we acted. I do not deny but that we departed, more or less from the true principles and policy of our party; but it was under circumstances which, though they do not justify the departure, are calculated, in a great degree, to excuse it; and to repel effectually any inference that it was an intentional Does he has taken a distinguished lead in the councils of congress. If this has been done, my purpose is answered. I do not wish to prolong the discussion, nor to spin it out into a colloquy. If the honorable member has any thing new to bring forward; if he has any charge to make any proof, or any specification; if he has any thing to advance against my opinion or my conduct, my honor or patriotiam, I am still at home. I am here. If not, then, so far as I am concerned, this discussion will here ter-prised, Mr. President, that the senator from Massachuminate. setts should show such solicitude to free himself from the responsibility of converting this discussion into a mere personal altercation, so unworthy the place and the occasion. But it is not a little unjust in him to attempt to transfer the responsibility from himself to me, having acted throughout, as I have, wholly on the defensive, and done every thing I could to avoid personalities. I have, in truth, a deep and unfeigned aversion to personal altercations, in any case; especially here, in my official character, where duty and self-respect, as well abandonment of them. as the dignity of the body, forbid its introduction. On the present occasion, I had every reason to avoid it. No popular party is proof against success, and the The subject is one unsurpassed in magnitude and im-long possession of power: and such proved to be the We had been in the uninterrupted portance, and which requires the calmnest and most de- fact in our case. liberate consideration. I have had entire confidence in possession of power for more than sixteen years, and the strength and truth of the side I support; and, of had just carried through successfully a war against the course, felt deep solicitude to limit the discussion strictly greatest power on earth, and, at the same time, overto the merits of the question. thrown the party in opposition to us. The flush of victory had, as is usual, the effect of working a considerable change in the feelings and views of our party, which contributed to the introduction of the measures to which the senator refers. But there were other, and powerful causes, which also contributed to it. During the war, the country had suffered much from a depreciated and unequal currency; from the want of domes the supplies to take the place of those articles which we had been cut off by the war, and from the want of good roads, and other channels of conveyance, on which to transport munitions of war, and to concentrate promptly a sufficient force on the points menaced or attacked by the enemy. After its termination, there was a vivid But in order to justify himself, he accuses me of hav-recollection of the difficulties occasioned by these ing first attempted to fix on himself and friends the wants. The danger, at the time, to the country, was charge of inconsistency, in supporting the substitute of believed to be connected exclusively with our foreign the senator from Virginia, (Mr. Rives.) I made no such relations. The war, it is true, had terminated successcharge. I simply availed myself of the opinion which fully; but there were hostile feelings left behind on both he and they entertained and expressed, in relation to a sides, between our country and Great Britain; and she similar measure in 1831-acquitting them expressly of kept up a powerful force in her possessions in our immeall inconsistency. So far from a charge of the kind, I diate vicinity, which was calculated to excite our vigiplaced my argument on the assumption, that their opin- lance, and to admonish us of the necessity of befng ion remained unchanged; and yet this he calls a charge prepared for a renewed contest. Besides we were in of inconsistency-a throwing of the first stone; and on danger in being involved in a long and dangerous conwhich he rests the justification of his unprovoked per-test, growing out of the revolution in Spanish America; sonalities. in which at one time the great powers of Europe united by what was called "The Holy Alliance," were strongly inclined to interfere. Under these circumstances, and when the political principles of our party appeared to have gained a permanent ascendency, by the prostratin of our old opponents, and to be in no danger, it is not at all wonderful that the measures with which the senator now reproaches me should have received the support of myself and the party to which I belong. I confess, for myself, that I then believed the danger to be, not within, but without-not from the giving away of our principles, but violence from abroad: and that I had no suspicion that it lay in the quarter which experience has shown it really did. This accounts for my course at that period. In my opinion, sir, this is beginning the use of good money, in payment, at the wrong end of the list. If there be bad money in the country, I think that secretaries and other executive officers, and especially mem bers of congress, should be the last to receive any good money; because they have the power, if they will do their duty, and exercise the power, of making money of the country good for all. I think, sir, it was a lead ing feature in Mr. Burke's famous bill for economical reform, that he provided, first of all, for those who are least able to secure themselves. Every body else was to be well paid all they were entitled to, before the ministers of the crown, and other political characters, should have any thing. This seems to me very right. But we have a precedent, sir, in our own country, more directly to the purpose; and as that which we now hope to strike out is the part of the bill furnished, or proposed originally by the honorable member from South Carolina, it will naturally devolve on him to supply its place. I wish, therefore, to draw his particular attention to this precedent, which I am now about to produce. Most members of the senate will remember hat, before the establishment of this goverament, and before, or about the time, that the territory which now constitutes the state of Tennessee was ceded to congress, the inhabitants of the eastern part of that territory established a government for themselves, and called it the state of Franklin. They adopted a very good constitution, divided into the usual branches of legislative, executive, and judicial power. They laid and collected taxes, and performed other acts of legislation. They had, for the present, it is true, no maritime possessions, yet they followed the common forms in constituting high officers; and their governor was not only captain general and commander-in-chief, but admiral also, so that the navy might have a commander when there should be a navy. sed such a bill; and when we shall have made a void in But the senator, in order to throw the blame on me, The senator next attributes to me the assertion, that I intended to draw a comparison between his course and mine during the late war, if time had permitted, accusing me, at the same time, of making a "railing accusation against him. My answer is, that I said nothing like it; and made no accusation whatever, cither "railing" or specifice. I said not a word of "time permitting me." What I really said was entirely different; and bears no analogy whatever to what he attributes to Well, sir, the currency of this state of Franklin be- me, as the senate must remember. I confined myself came very much deranged. Specie was scarce, and to an inquiry into the truth of the picture he had drawn equally scarce were the notes of specie-paying banks. of his patriotism; and his comparison between his pubBut the legislature did not propose any divorce of go-lic conduct and mine. I demonstrated what little claims vernment and people; they did not seek to establish two he had to the high qualities he arrogated to himself; and currencies, one for men in office, and one for the rest of how unfounded his assumption was to a more universal In voting for the tariff of 1816, which I am still of opinthe community. They were content with neighbor's and ardent patriotism. I illustrated all this by a referfare. It became necessary to pass what we should call, ence to his course in relation to abolition and the tariff; ion was a judicious measure, with the exception of the now-a-days, the civil-list appropriation-bill. They pas- and declined going into a comparison between our minimum principle, of which I think as badly as any courses during the late war-not for a want of time, as one, I regarded it as a revenue measure, and called for the bill now before us, by striking out specie payments, he states, but expressly on the ground that the events of by the circumstances of the time. But I did not dream for government, I recommend to its friends to fill the that day were by-gone, and belonged to history, where that, in the short space of twelve years, it would be gap by inserting, if not the same provisions as were in I was willing to leave it, and where I should leave it, perverted by those interested into an instrument of such the law of the state of Franklin, at least something in unless provoked to go into the comparison, by some fu unbounded oppression as to exact and pass into the the same spirit. ture attack from the senator. I added not a word of ac- treasury one-half of the whole proceeds of our foreign cusation whatever, either "railing" or otherwise. It is exchanges. Nor did I imagine that, in introducing a true, I said that, at one time, I intended to go into a bill to set apart a particular fund for internal improvecomparison. I certainly had no reason, personally, to ment, and leaving it to congress to determine thereafter decline it; but I felt a strong repugnance, which I could the extent of power over that subject, and to what ob not overcome, to recurring back to such distant events, jects the funds should be applied, (that was its real that have passed out of the circle of the politics of the character) there was the least danger that, in a few day. Acting under its influence, I limited my remarks, years, the whole revenue of the country would become in reference to the senator and myself, to the great and an object of scramble among the various sections in living questions of the day, which are still unsettled, and which the struggle would be, who should get most, withare destined to exercise an important control over the out any reference to the public good. As to the bank, future destiny of the country. placed in the circumstances in which I and those with whom I acted were, I do not see how we could have acted differently, even with our present experience. The time for reformation in reference to the currency had not then arrived; and any attempt at reform would have proved abortive. The preamble of that law, sir, begins by reciting, that the collection of axes, in specie, had become very oppressive to the good people of the commonwealth, for the want of a circulating medium. A parallel case to oure, sir, exactly. It recites further, sir, that it is the duty of the legislature to hear, at all times, the prayer of their constituents, and apply as speedy a remedy as lies in their power. These sentiments are very just, sir, and I sincerely wish there was a thorough disposition here to adopt the like. Acting under the influence of these sound principles, sir, the legislature of Frankinn passed a law, for the support of the civil list, which, as it is short, I will beg permission to read: "Be it enacted by the general assembly of the state of Franklin, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, That, from the 1st day of January, A. Ď, 1789, the salaries of the civil officers of this commonwealth be as follows, to wit: But if I should be forced into the comparison, I shall not confine myself simply to what the senator did at that important period of our history: I would take a far wider range. He claims for himself an exalted patriotism, far above others, and myself in particular; and that, too, in war as well as peace; and he would have no right to complain, if held responsible not only for what he did, but for what he did not; not only for his own "His excellency the governor, per annum, one thou-acts, but also for his political associates and party, which sand deer skins; his honor, the chief justice, five hun-passed without his censure or rebuke. I have no wish, dred do. do.; the attorney-general, five hundred do. do.; for the reasons I have stated, to enter on the comparison; secretary to his excellency the governor, five hundred but if he desires it, I will read a statement of some dozen raccoon do; the treasurer of the state, four hundred and or fifteen of his votes, which I laid my hands on since fifty otter do; each county clerk, three hundred beaver he commenced his reply; and which will furnish some do; clerk of the house of coinmons, two hundred rac-index of his course during that period. [Mr. Webster coon do; members of assembly, per diem, three do. do.; indicating no desire for the reading, Mr. Calhoun projustice's fee for signing a warrant, one muskrat do.; to the constable, for serving a warrant, one mink do. "Enacted into a law this 18th day of October, 1738, under the great seal of the state. "Witness his excellency, &c. But I offer not what I have said as a justification; I acknowledge we all departed, in a greater or less degree, from the stern and rigid principles of the party, and the true policy of the government, and well have we paid the penalty. It has taught me a lesson never to be forgotten, and I now call on the younger and more inexperienced members of the party, as I then was, to profit by our example. Avoid, as you would the greatest evil, the least departure from principle, however harmless and innocent it may at the time appear to be. The smallest departure will prove to be an entering wedge; and the others, differing from you in views and princiDropping, then, the senator's course during the war, ples, will drive the measure farther than you ever conI shall proceed to notice some remarks of his in refer templated; just as we have seen our old opponents ence to myself. He has hunted up with much industry, seize on the tariff, internal improvement, and the bank, and brought forward with great parade, my course in to overthrow our principles and to establish their own. relation to the tariff-to the bank-and the bonus bill, Never cease to bear in mind that ours is a limited goimmediately subsequent to the late war, in order to fivernment, with specific powers; and that if the pre ceeded:] |