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to betray or sacrifice the interests of their course. If we remain one people, under own country, without odium, sometimes an effcient government, the period is not even with popularity : gilding with the far off when we may defy material in. appearance of a virtuous sense of obliga- jury from external annoyance; when we tion, a commendable deference for public may take such an attitude as will cause opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the neutrality we may at any time rethe base or foolish compliances of ambi- folve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; tion, corruption, or infatuation.

when belligerent nations, under the imAs the avenve to foreign influence in possibility of making acquisitions upon us, innumerable ways, such attachments are wiil not lightiy hazard the giving us proparticularly alarming to the truly enligh- vocation ; when we may choose peace or tended and independent patriot. How war, as our interest, guided by justice, many opportunities do they afford to tam- fhall countel. per with domestic factions, to practise the Why forego the advantages of so pecuarts of seduction, to millead public opi- liar a situation ? Why quit our own to nion, to influence or awe the Public Coun- stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by incils ! Such an attachment of a small or terweaving our destiny with that of any weak, towards a great and powerful, na- part of Europe, entangle our peace and tion, dooms the former to be the fatellite prosperity in the toils of European am. of the latter.

bition, rivalship, interest, humour, or Againt the insiduous wiles of foreign caprice ? influence (I conjure you to believe me, It is our true policy to steer clear of fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free peo- permanent alliances with any portion of ple ought to be constantly awake; since the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we history and experience prove that foreign are now at liberty to do it: for let me not influence is one of the most baneful foes be understood as capable of patronizing inof a Republican Government. But that fidelity to existing engagements. 1 hold jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; the maxim no less applicable to public else it becomes the instrument of the very than to private affairs, that honesty is al. influence to be avoided, instead of a de- ways the best policy. I repeat it, therefence against it.-Excessive partiality for fore, let those engagements be observed one nation, and excessive distike of an- in their genuine sense. But, in my opiother, caule those whom they actuate to nion, it is unnecessary and would be unsee danger only on one side, and serve to wise to extend them. veil, and even second the arts of influence Taking care always to keep ourselves, on the other. Real patriots, who may re. by suitable establishments, on a respetable fist the intrigues of the favourite, are lia- defensive posture, we may safely trust to ble to become suspected and odious ; while temporary alliances for extraordinary emerits tools and dupes usurp the applause and, gencies. confidence of the people, to surrender their Harmony, liberal intercourse wiih all interests.

nations, are recommended by policy, huThe great rule of conduct for us, in manity, and interest. But even our comregard to foreign nations, is, in extending mercial policy should hold an equal and our commercial relations, to have with impartial hand; neither seeking nor grant. them as little political connection as polfi- ing exclusive favours or preferences ; conble. So far as we have already formed en- sulting the natural course of things ; difgagements, let them be fulfilled with per- fusing and diversifying by gentle means fect good faith. Here let us stop. the streams of commerce, but forcing

Europe has a set of primary interests, nothing; establishing, with powers fo which to us have none, or a very remote disposed, in order to give trade a stable

. relation. Hence the must be engaged in course, to define therights of our merchants, frequent controversies, the causes of which and to enable the Government to support are essentially foreign to our concerns. them, conventional rules of intercourse, the Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us best that present circumstances and mutual to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in opinion will permit, but temporary, and liathe ordinary vicissitude; of her politics, or ble to be from time to time abandoned or the ordinary combinations and collifions varied, as experience and circumstances shall of her friendships or enmities.

dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it Our detached and distant situation in- is folly in one nation to look for disin. vites and enables us to pursue a different terested favours from another; that it must






Address of President Washington. pay with a portion of its independence for The duty of holding a neutral conduct · whatever it may accept under that cha- may be inferred, without any thing more, racter ; that by such acceptance, it may from the obligation which justice and huplace itself in the condition of having given manity impole on every nation in cases in equivalents for nominal favours, and yet which it is free to act, to maintain invioof being reproached with ingratitude for late the relations of peace and amity tonot giving more. There can be no greater wards other nations. error than to expect, or calculate upon The inducements of interest for cbsery. real favours from nation to nation. It is ing that conduct will best be referred to an illusion which experience mult cure, your own reflections and experience. With which a just pride ought to discard. me a predominant motive has been, to en

In offering to you, my countrymen, deavour to gain time to cur country to these counsels of an old and affectionate settle and mature its yet recent institufriend, I dare not hope they will make tions, and to progress without interruption the strong and lasting impression I could to that degree of ftrength and confiftency wish: that they will controul the usual which is necessary to give it, humanly current of the passions, or prevent our na- speaking, the command of its own fora tion from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. Though in reviewing the incidents of But if I may even fatter myself that they administration, I am unconscious of inmay be productive of some partial benefit, tentional error ; I am nevertheless too fume occasional good ; that they may now sensible of my defects not to think it proand then recur to moderate the fury of bable that I may have committed many party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs error Whatever they may be, I fer, of foreign intrigue, to guard against the vently beseech the Almighty to avert or impostures of pretended patriotism : this mitigate the evils to which they may tend. hope will be a full recompence for the I Mall also carry with me the hope that my folicitude for your welfare, by which they country will never cease to view them with have been dictated.

indulgence ; and that after forty-five years How far, in the discharge of my official of my life dedicated to its service, with an duties, I have been guided by the prin- upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abiciples which have been delineated, the lities will be consigned to oblivion, as mypublic records, and other evidences of my self must soon be to the mansions of rest. conduct, must witness to you and to the Relying on its kindness in this as in world. To myself, the assurance of my other things, and actuated by that fervent own conscience is, that I have at least be. love towards it, which is so natural to a lieved in yself to be guided by them. man who views in it the native soil of

In relation to the still fublifting war in himself and his progenitors for several geEurope, my Proclamation of the 22d of nerations ; I anticipate, with pleasing exApril, 1793, is the index to my plan. pectation, that retreat, in which I promise Sanctioned by your approved voice, and by myself to realize, without alioy, the sweet that of your Representatives in both Houses enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of of Congress, the spirit of that measure has my Fellow citizens, the benign influence continually governed me; uninfluenced by of good laws under a free government, the any attempts to deter or divert me from it. ever favourite object of my heart, and the

After deliberate examination, with the happy reward, as I truit, of our mutual aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was cares, labours, and dangers. well satisfied that our country, under all

G. WASHINGTON. the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in Quty and in

United Siates, Sept. 17, 1796, terest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with mo- Thus has this great man signified his deration, perseverance, and firmness. determination to relinquish the Fatigues of

The considerations which respect the office for the bosom of retirement. The right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- foregoing admirable Address to all the sary on this occasion to detail. I will only States we have given at length, convinced observe, that according to my understand- of our incapacity of doing justice to so exing of the matter, that right, so far from cellent a compofition in any sketch or being denied by any of the belligerent abridgment we might have been induced powers, has been virtually admitted by all. to make of it.



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In November, 1796.


8. WE concluded our laft sketch of the For charge of embodied miproceedings in parliament with an

Titia and fencible infantry, 950,441 account of the bill proposed by the Chan- For contingencies for dittó,

112,811 cellor of the Exchequer, for raising a fup. For clo:bing for ditto

For charge of fencible caplemental militia, a body of irregular ca


397,734 4 valry, and other forces, to enable the na

For allowance to ditto tion to repel any invasion which might be meditated by the enemy.

The same day the supplemental militia On the 21st of October, the house of bill was read a second time, and ordered commons having resolved itself into a coin- lo be printed. mittee of supply, the Secretary at War On the 28th of October, Mr. Pitt inrose, and stated, that the whole force of troduced his promised motion relative to this country, confisting of the common dif- the funding of navy and exchequer bills. tribution of guards, garrisons, colonie, and He said his proposal had for its object the plantations, amounted to 195,574 men, removal of a large mass of floating debt the expence of which would amount to from the market, which had fallen to a 5,190,000l. fo that it would appear that great discount, and had, consequently, prothe expence of this year would not exceed duced much public injury, and much prithat of the preceding. The home army vate inconvenience He cbserved, ihat consisted of all the troops which might be the amount of the bills then in circulation considered as serving for the defence of the would become payable at different periods, country, and these amounted to 60,765 according to the diffcrené times at which men; from which arose an excess above they were issued, but that the farthest pro last year of 11,546 men. The army riccs of payment of any of the bills could abrcad amounted to 64,276, of course not be more than fifteen months from the there was a diminution ; these were com- present time. The whole question then :o posed entirely of regulars ; the army at

be submitted to the committee was, whehome of regulars, invalids, militia, and ther the navy, and other biils then ourfencibles, The militia was nearly the same ftanding, should be left a load upon the as last year, with the difference of the city market, to be paid cply at those pericds regiments. The Secretary conciuded with when they became due; or whether it moving, that " There be employed for the would not be more adviscatlé to pay them land service of this year the number of before that period, by offering to the huld195,000 men."

ers fuih terms as might be beneficial to General Tarleton made several observa- them? He proposed to fund all the bills tions respecting a saving which might be then in circulation, even down to the latest adopted in the militia, and with a view period, to this object, he pointed out the great

The amount of bills that had heen issued number of musicians and officers' servants, was little less than twelve millions. He as being of little more utility than to aug- thougl.t this sum would be too great a ment the expences.

weight for one species of stock, and thereAt length the several resolutions were fore proposed to give an option to the holdput severally, and carried nem. con. ers to find them in any of the three funds,

The following were the sums voted, either the three per cents. the four per for the charge of 60,765 effective men : cents. or the five per cents.; for this pur

. s. d. pose he divided the hviders into four classes, For guards and garrisons, 1,505,905 o according to the date of the bilis held by For forces in the plantations, 1,411,231 19 5 them. For differerce between Bri

The first class comprehending the tilh and Irish piy of forces

months of October, November, and Defor scrvi e abroad,

40,096 99cember, 1795: For cortingentes for land forces

360,000 0

The second class comprehending the For charge of general and

months of January, February, March, and It..ff ufficers

April, 1796.

94,195 14 For reciuiting regimerits in

The third class comprehending the India

months of May, June, and July, 1796.

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Public Afairs. -Great Britain, The fourth class comprehending the by the system of Mr. Pitt, the holders of months of August, September, and Oc- navy and exchequer bills would receive at tober, 1796.

the rate of 1031. interest per cent. per anUpon his communicating, he said, with num for their inoney! He said it was immany gentlemen on the subject, they com- possible for any member of that house to puted

see those transactions, and not call the atThe 3 per cents. at 58.

tention of the committee to a situation so The 4 per cents. at 75.

disastrous, and to circumstances so unex The 5 per cents. at 88.

ampled. “If I,” said Mr. Fox, “ unHe then proposed that the holders of derstand the propositions, it is, that those navy bills ih uld have their option of any who have received bills at 14 or 15 per of the three kinds of stock, with the fol

cent. discount, shall stand in the fourth lowin; abatement on the present prices : class; I contine myself for the present to For the first class,

the five per cents.

Hence those who have Of 2 per cent. in the 3 per cents.

received bills 14 or 15 per cent. discount, Of 3 per cent. in the 4 per cents. Of 4 per cent' in the 5 per cents.

in September, what interest will they have For the l. cond class.,

made for their money? They will have Of i per cent. in the 3 per cents.

had the bills in their possession about fixty Of 25 per cent. in th: 4 per cents.

days : for 100l. they advanced 861. they Of 33 per cent. in the 5 per cents.

they will, therefore, in the first instance, For the third class.

have gained 141. and they will receive Of i per cent in the 3 per cents.

85l. 103. five per cent. stock. First, they Of 2 per cent in the 4 per cents.

receive 141. for discount, and then 21. 1os. Of 3 per cent. in the 5 per cents'

for the difference of stock; nor is this all; For the fourth class.

they go on receiving 4 per cent. for a Of i per cent. in the 3 per cents. Of i per cent in the 4 per cents.

longer period ; and thus when you calcuOf 21 per cent in the 5 per cents.

late the annual profit, you must include

this The bills to bear interest till the 12th

per cent. interest. They receive, of December, and the dividends to com

therefore, 161. 1os. for fixty days' possession

of the bills. Calculate the amount of fix mence with the respective funds, viz. The 3 per cents.confuls

times fixty days, and you will find that from Nov. last.

} The

these holders will have received at the 5 per cents. The 4 per cents. from Michaelmas last.

rate of 1031. interest per cent. per anIn addition to this agyregate of navy bills, there were outstanding exchequer

Mr. Fox then contended, that the combills to the amount nearly of iwo millions mittee ought to have a detailed account of and a half: these were to become payable the necellity that existed before they voin July; he proposed, therefore, tu fund luntarily added two per cent. interest on lo them in nearly the same loans as the navy great a fum as fifteen millions to the burbills, viz.

den of the nation. 1 per cent. in the three per cents.

After a debate, however, of confide. 2 per cent. in the 4 per cents.

rable length, the resolutions were read and 32 per cent. in the 5 per cents.

agreed to Mr. Pitt wished to be understood, that On the 31st of October, the house went if, for the future, navy and exchequer into a committee again on the same bufibills should be found necessary to be iitiued ness. They divided on palling of the first for the public service, they should be issued resolution, Ayes 208, Noes 48. The for so short a period as not to incur any other resolution also passed. considerable lors by discount.

The two houses of parliament for seveHe concluded with moving, “ That his ral days following did little more than majesty be enabied to lat":fy all the bills haften the above mentioned bill, and sevepayable in the navy, victuailing, and trant-ral others, which we have mentioned as port service, to the 27th of Oc. 1796.” brought in by the minister through their

Mr. Hulley made some excellent re- several stages, all of which, at length, remarks on the plan propoled by the Chan- ceived the royal assent by commission. cellor of the Exchequer; he reprobated it The uncertainty concerning the issue of as lavishing the public money, and aug- the negociations for peace, and several other menting the national debe in an unpre- circumstances at this period, rendered a cedented manner.' Mr. Fox adopte i the short interruption of the fellion defrable fame strain of reasoning, and proved that to the minister ; on his request, therefore,


an adjournment of the two houses was a conclusion; they objected to the forma. agreed upon, till the 28th of November. tion of a congress, whose proceedings are

The following are the most interesting always tardy; they noticed the circumparticulars which have lately fallen under stance of his lordship's declaration not our notice, relative to the important ne- agreeing with his credentials; they exgociation for peace carrying on in Paris presled their belief, that the Britith gobetween lord Malmsbury, on the part of vernment meant by the present propofitions Great Britain, and Charles Delacroix, on only a renewal, under more amicable forms, the part of the French republic.

cf Mr. Wickham's proposals last year; In the first instancc, his lord ship deliver- they disagreed with the memorial respected to M. Delacroix a imemorial, dated ing the fubjcct of the basis of negociation, Paris, the 24th of October, 1796. This which ought not to relate to the principle memorial pressed the efablishment of a of ceflion, but to the common neceffity of general principle, as a basis for definitive a just and folid peace. Nevertheless, they arrangements. It stated, that the first declared, that they would not reject any objects of negociations for peace.generally mcans of reconciliation, and that as soon related to restitutions and ceflions of con- as lord Malmsbury should produce to the quests; declared Great Britain to be in a minister for foreign affairs lufficient powfituation not to demand restitution from ers from the allies of Great Britain to France ; reminded the French govern- ftipulate for their respective interests, they ment of the valuable colonies and eltablish- would give a speedy answer to the propofiments of which she had obtained poffef- tions which might be submitted to them. fion; alluded to the conquests which the As soon as lord Malmsbury received this French had made upon the continent of answer, he wrote to his court by an extraEurope, conquests to which his Britannic ordinary courier, to obtain the powers remajeity could not be indifferent; and ex- quired of him. pressed his with to restore peace to all the Having received some farther instrucbelligerent powers.

tions from his court, lord Malmsbury, on In the first conference, after the de- the 12th of November, presented ancther livery of this memorial, it was demanded note of considerable length to the French of the English negociator, whether he minister, Delacroix, importing, that with was furnished with powers and instruc- regard to the injurious and offensive infitions from the other belligerent powers to nuations contained in the last answer of ftipulate in their name? He answered no; the directory, the king had thought it far but, he added, that when the Directory beneath his dignity to allow any reply fhould have explained themselves relative whatever to be returned on' his the principle laid down in his memoriai, That the Executive Directory appeared, he would dispatch couriers to instruct the without the least foundation, to luppose different courts in the state of the nego- that he was authorised to accede to a lepa. ciation, and to receive their orders. It rate peace~That the best pledge which was then asked the ambassador, whether the Directory could give of their desire of he could not, at least, specify the principle putting a period to the war, would be withof retrocessions which concerned the our delay to settle a basis to accelerate a geFrench republic and Great Britain ? He neral peace. answered, that after the Directory should The French minister, Delacroix, in the have explained itself, he would likewise name of the Directory, returned an anexpedite couriers to request instructions on Twer the fame day, the brevity of which this point.

may easily be construed into abruptness. After this conferenac was finished, De- This antiver defired lord Malmsbury to Lacroix presented lord Malmsbury's memo- point out distinctly, and as soon as pollible, rial to the Directory, with the recital of the objects of reciprocal compensation their conversation on the subject.

which he had to propose, and reminded In this stage of the negociation, the him, that the breaking of the armistice by Executive Directory ordered the minister the emperor and king was no sign of a dila for foreign affairs to give an answer to position in him to conclude a peace upou lord Malminry, purporting, that they equitable terms. were disposed to commence a negociation; Some correspondence ensued subsequent but that they considered lord Malmsbury's to this, which, perhaps; was beneath the propofitions as offering nothing but dila- dignity, and importance of the negociasory or very distant means of bringing it to tion. Lord Malmsbury, upon receiving

a written

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