powers might interfere with Ameri- of them complained. And, yet, "To avoid this apparent inconsistency, it is, however, contended, that new force has been recently given to this declaration. But of this, I see no evidence whatever. I see nothing in any instructions or communications from our government, changing the character of that declaration in any degree. a similar character, rendered it highly desirable to us, that these new states should settle it, as a part of their policy, not to allow colonization within their respective territories. True, indeed, we did not need their aid to assist us in maintaining such a course for ourselves; but we had an interest in their assertion and support of the principle as applicable to their own territories. "I now proceed, Mr. Chairman, to a few remarks on the subject of Cuba, the most important point of our foreign relations. It has been said, that if Spain chose to transfer this island to any power in Europe, she had a right to do so, and "I have but a word to say on we could not interfere to prevent the subject of the declaration it. Sir, this is a delicate subject. against European colonization in I hardly feel competent to treat it America. The late president seems as it deserves; and I am not quite to have thought the occasion used willing to state here all that I think by him for that purpose, to be a about it. I must, however, disproper one for the open avowal of sent from this opinion. The right a principle which had already been of nations, on subjects of this kind, acted on. Great and practical in- are necessarily very much modified conveniences, it was feared, might by circumstances. Because Engbe apprehended, from the establish- land or France could not rightfully ment of new colonies in America, complain of the transfer of Florida having a European origin, and a to us, it by no means follows, that European connection. We have we could not complain of the cesa general interest, that through all sion of Cuba to one of them. The the vast territories rescued from the plain difference is, that the transdominion of Spain, our commerce fer of Florida to us, was not danmight find its way, protected by trea- gerous to the safety of either of ties with governments existing on those nations, nor fatal to any of the spot. These views, and others of their great and essential interests. Proximity of position, neighbor- of strong and manifest reason, jus 66 hood, whatever augments the power of injuring and annoying, very properly belong to the consideration of all cases of this kind. The greater or less facility of access itself, is of consideration in such questions, because it brings, or may bring, weighty consequences with it. Again; it has been asserted, that although we might rightfully prevent another power from taking Cuba from Spain, by force, yet if Spain should choose to make the voluntary transfer, we should have no right whatever to interfere. Sir, this is a distinction without a difference. If we are likely to have contention about Cuba, let us first well consider what our rights are, and not commit ourselves. If we have any right to interfere at all, it applies as well to the case of a peaceable, as to that of a forcible, transfer. If nations be at war, we are not judges of the question of right, in that war; we must acknowledge, in both parties, the mutual right of attack, and the mutual right of conquest. It is not for us to set bounds to their belligerent operations, so long as they do not affect ourselves. Our right to interfere in any such case, is but the exercise of the right of reasonable and necessary self-defence. It is a high and delicate exercise of that right; one not to be made but on grounds tice, and necessity. The real question is, whether the possession of Cuba by a great maritime power of Europe, would seriously endanger our own immediate security, or our essential interests. I put the question in the language of some of the best considered state papers of modern times. The general rule of national law, is, unquestionably, against interference, in the transactions of other states. There are, however, acknowledged exceptions, growing out of circumstances, and founded in those circumstances. it has been properly said, cannot, without danger, be reduced to previous rule, and incorporated into the ordinary diplomacy of nations. Nevertheless, they do exist, and must be judged of, when they arise, with a just regard to our own essential interests, but in a spirit of strict justice and delicacy, also, towards foreign states. These exceptions, "The ground of these exceptions is, self-preservation. It is not a slight injury to our interest; it is not even a great inconvenience, that makes out a case. There must be danger to our security; or danger, manifest and imminent danger, to our essential rights, and our essential interests. Now, sir, let us look at Cuba. I need hardly refer to its present amount of commercial connection with the United States. Our statistical tables, I presume, would show us, that our commerce with the Havana alone, is more in amount than our whole commercial intercourse with France, and all her dependencies. But this is but one part of the case, and not the most important. Cuba, as is well said in the report of the committee of foreign affairs, is placed in the mouth of the Mississippi. Its occupation by a strong maritime power would be felt, in the first moment of hostility, as far up the Mississippi and the Missouri, as our population extends. It is the commanding point of the gulf of Mexico. See, too, how it lies in the very line of our coastwise traffic; interposed in the very highway between New-York and New-Orleans. "Now, sir, who can estimate, the effect of a change, which should place this island in other hands, subject it to new rules of commercial intercourse, or connect it with objects of a different and still more dangerous nature? I feel no disposition to pursue this topic, on the present occasion. My purpose is only to show its importance, and to beg gentlemen not to prejudice any rights of the country, by assenting to propositions, which, perhaps, may be necessary to be reviewed. "But, it is said, that, in this, as in other cases, we should wait till the event comes, without any previous declaration of our sentiments, upon subjects important to our own rights, or our own interests. Sir, such declarations are often the appropriate means of preventing that, which, if unprevented, it might be difficult to redress. A great object in holding diplomatic intercourse, is frankly to expose the views and objects of nations, and to prevent, by candid explanation, collision and war. In this case, the government has said, that we could not assent to the transfer of Cuba to another European state. Can we so assent? Do gentlemen think we can? If not, then it was entirely proper that this intimation should be frankly and seasonably made. Candor required it; and it would have been unpardonable, it would have been injustice, as well as folly, to have been silent, while we might suppose the transaction to be contemplated, and then to complain of it afterwards. "Pains, sir, have been taken by the honorable member from Virginia, to prove that the measure now in contemplation, and indeed the whole policy of the government, respecting South America, is the unhappy result of the influence of a gentleman formerly filling the chair of this house. He charges him with having become himself affected at an early day, with what he is pleased to call the South American fever; and with having infused its baneful influence into the whole councils of the country. "If, sir, it be true, that that gentleman, prompted by an ardent love of civil liberty, felt, earlier than others, a proper sympathy for the struggling colonies of South America; or that, acting on the maxim, that revolutions do not go backward, he had the sagacity to foresee, earlier than others, the successful termination of those struggles; if thus feeling, and thus perceiving, it fell to him to lead the willing or unwilling councils of his country, in her manifestations of kindness to the new governments, and in her seasonable recognition of their independence; if it be this, which the honorable member imputes to him; if it be this course of public conduct, that he has identified his name with the cause of South American liberty, he ought to be esteemed one of the most fortunate men of the age. If all this be, as is now represented, he has acquired fame enough. It is enough for any man, thus to have connected himself with the greatest events of the age in which he lives, and to have been foremost in measures which reflect high honor on his country, in the judgment of mankind. Sir, it is always with great reluctance that I am drawn to speak, in my place here, of individuals; but I could not forbear what I have now said, when I hear, in the house of representatives, and in this land of free spirits, that it is made matter of imputation, and of reproach, to have been first to reach forth the hand of welcome, and of succour, to new-born nations, struggling to obtain, and to enjoy, the blessings of liberty. We are told that the country is deluded and deceived by cabalistic words! If we express an emotion of pleasure at the results of this great action of the spirit of political liberty; if we rejoice at the birth of new republican nations, and express our joy by the common terms of regard and sympathy; if we feel and signify, high gratification, that, throughout this whole continent, men are now likely to be blessed by free and popular institutions; and if, in the uttering of these sentiments, we happen to speak of sister republics; of the great American family of nations; of the political system and forms of government of this hemisphere, then, indeed, it seems, we deal in senseless jargon, or impose on the judgment and feeling of the community by cabalistic words! Sir, what is meant by this? Is it intended, that the people of the United States ought to be totally indifferent to the fortunes of those new neighbors? "Sir, I do not wish to over-rate, I do not over-rate, the progress of these new states in the great work of establishing a well-secured popular liberty. I know that to be a great attainment, and I know they are but pupils in the school. But, thank God, they are in the school. They are called to meet difficulties, such as neither we nor our fathers encountered. For these, we ought to make large allowances. What have we ever known like the colonial vassalage of the states? When did we or our ancestors, feel, like them, the weight of political despotism that presses men to the earth, that religious intolerance which would shut up heaven to all but the bigotted? Sir, we sprung from another stock. We belong to another race. We have known nothing we have felt nothing of the political despotism of Spain, nor of the heat of her fires of intolerance. No rational man expects that the South can run the same rapid career as the North; or that an insurgent province of Spain is in the same condition as the English colonies, when they first asserted their independence. There is, doubtless, much more to be done, in the first than in the last these great revolutions, I confess myself guilty of that weakness. If it be weak to feel that I am an American, to think that recent events have not only opened new modes of intercourse, but have created almost new grounds of regard and sympathy between ourselves and our neighbors; if it be weak to feel that the South, in her present state, is somewhat more emphatically a part of America, than when she lay obscure, oppressed, and unknown, under the grinding bondage of a foreign power; if it be weak to rejoice, when, even in any corner of the earth, human beings are able to get up from beneath oppression, to erect themselves, and to enjoy the proper happiness of their intelligent nature; if this be weak, it is a weakness from which I claim no exemption. A day of solemn retribution now visits the once proud monarchy of Spain. The prediction is fulfilled. The spirit of Montezuma and of the Incas might now well say, "Art thou, too, fallen, Iberia? Do we see The robber and the murderer weak as we? Thou! that has wasted earth and dared despise Alike the wrath and mercy of the skies, Thy pomp is in the grave; thy glory laid Low in the pit thine avarice has made." Mr. Chairman-I will detain you only with one more reflection on this subject. We cannot be so |