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ernment now bear to each other," "are repeatedly quoted, and are widely spreading their most deleterious effects, throughout our states, throughout this continent, and, no doubt, throughout Europe also. It has alreedy contaminated, in a greater and a less degree, the entire region of the South. “'It sweeps along like the dark and deleterious Sirocco winds, over Affric's burning sands,” and “like a new born mist, now seems to blot the sun !!"

I have no personal enmity to gratify, n y partialities are favourable to the Vice President as a man, but I can have no idea of half-work in so importhat a matter, as now agitates the public mind. I only regret to have failed, in several efforts, to elicit some competant talent, in aid of so vast a

concern.

With this apology, and with the most profound respect,

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STATE SOVEREIGNTY,

AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION,

BY

AN OLD CITIZEN OF NEW-YORK.

TO THE HONORABLE JOHN C. CALHOUN,

Now Vice President of the United States.

No. 1. SIR,

I have the honor of a short personal acquaintance with you,—sought for and had, during the late war, at the city of Washington, on the several occasions of my official duties there. I have listened to your sentiments," on the floor of Congress, with pleasure ; and the promptness of your subsequent answers to my several written communications, gave me a favorable opinion of your fitness for office.

Your very laboured publications to sustain an existing “paramount," Sovereignty in our several States, since the adoption of the present Constitution of the United States, has occasioned a general surprise, and much painful regret. Your Station,—the time, manner, and perplexing matter of your address, has made it a subject of the highest importance, not to us only, but very specially to the Republics of South America, who had adopted our model, and now held in a confused struggle of formation, from this impracticable doctrine, sought to be sustained among us.

Of this anti-federal germ you now stand forth the unequaled advocate, although we have a deep experience, and certain knowledge of its distructive tendencies.—This I now pledge myself to substantiate, in a few short numbers, and which, in strict propriety, are addressed to you as my special auditor. It is evident that a great and mighty change of political sentiment, is about to pervade a large portion of this globe. Such great changes, whether religious or political, are of rare occurrence. Europe has been held under the uniform power of personal despotisms, for more than two thousand years, and the struggle now

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is if their institutions are to be eternal! Our writteit model of republican Constitution, has gone forth thank God, and yet stánds foremost in this high career of social melioration. Hence, Sir, the vast concern to sustain it in all its original puriety, and as it was adopted by a united Sovereign people, and as now displayed by its ample energies-all operating, in due checks and balances, and resting mainly on the single lever of the elective franchise.

It is on this part of your address, I am now constrained to animadvert. The tarif question has been laboured,-the constituted authorities have decided, and their I rest that part of your address.

From your elevated station, bringing into serious controversy any of the fundamental principles of our Constitution, your recently published " sentiments and opinions of the relation which the States and general Gorernment now bear to each other,"--could not but arrest a general attention among your fellow citizens; and must ultimately seize on the high consideration of foreign Governments, with home we have made, and now hold the most important treaty relations; all of which are bassed on the idea of supreme Sovereignty in the collected body of the people of the United States.

A total denial of this fact, is the main subject of your address, and you are the first man who ever assumed a like position, and grounded on a “paramount" Sovereignty of the individual States, since the adoption of the present Constitution. It is clearly seen, that, your assumption became of indispensible necessity as the ground work of your system of nulification. You have indeed placed yourself, in the front ground, but it can no longer be doubted to be the work of a combination. You have seized on the death robes of the deceased Jefferson to bear you out in your assumptions. You have raked into the embers of his election to the Presidency, in 1800, and the then opposition to the Alien and Sedition laws,and applied these to your present system of nulification. To proceed these foreign powers must shortly charge their several Embassadors, strictly to inquire if, in reality, the old

State Sovereignty texture, of our confederation of 1778, under which they refused, or rather could not treat with us, as a united Sovereign people,—had never ceased to exist; and, if they had been led, deceptively, into those treaties, which you now hold that, a single Sovereign state can nulify at pleasure. And if furthermore if our much boasted present Constitution of

gencral Government, had falsly declared to the world, that their “laws were the supreme laws of the land." These powers will naturally present your publication, of a paramount state Sovereignty, as the text-book of their inquiries ;—“ so says your Vice President, the second officer of your Government .!

Forty three years of practical use, and investigation of a few pages of plain written document, the Constitution of the United States, consisting of seven short articles, all expounded upon by seven Presidents of the United States, a regular succession of twenty-two Congresses, now composed of forty-eight Senators,two from each state, and about two hundred and ten of the immediate representatives of all the people of the United States,--added to these, are seven supreme judges, holding their stated court at the seat of government, “together with such other inferior courts in each state, as the Congress may from time to time, ordain and establish.” These are the main agencies,--among a host of minor agents, civil and military, of our government. The President holds his office during four years, the Senators six, the Representatives two, and the Judges during good behaviour ;-all under the penalty of impeachment, dismissal and disgrace for mal-administration, and all are bound together by the solemnity of an oath of faithful integrity to “SUPPORT THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.' -THE INDIVIDUAL STATE AUTHORITIES TAKE THE SAME OATH, and you have taken the same oath,--and are now acting under the high penalties of it.

All this dread order break, for whom.?. You now declare to have assumed as facts, and as the main“ Başis” of your productions,-certain Kentucky resolutions, and a report of the Virginia Legislature,

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as far back as 1798, and passed during the heat of that inexampled party contest, which placed Mr. Jefferson in the chair of the Union!

These long by-gone circumstances, are now totally irrelivant to your present system of nulification. The resolutions of 1798, went to oppose the admisistration of that day, on the unconstitutionality of the Alien Bill, and the Sedition laws,—"as infringements on the liberty of the press, and the freedom of speech.The first impowered the President to seize any alien, suspected by him to be inimical to the government, and order him to depart the country. This Bill was mainly aimed at the French citizens among us,--then in the progress of their revolution. The Sedition law imposed a fine and imprisonment on every body, whether alien or native, for writing, publishing, or proclaiming any thing tending to bring the government, or its officers into disrepute."

Several prosecutions, fines and imprisonments were had, in the state courts, under one or both these laws. They became extremely obnoxious; and with Mr. Jefferson at our head, and by means of the elective franchise! we opposed them with all our might ;-and thereby,CONSTITUTIONALLY, removed that Congress and administration from power.“ Go thou and do likewise."

The Virginia resolution of 1798, you now apply, and torture their meaning, into your present system of nulification, and openly declare Mr. Jefferson as an accomplice!!! He will be fully rescued from the daring aspersion on his posthumous fame.--Your principles of nulification go to destroy the constitution,--Mr. Jefferson's principles to sustain it on the ground of the elective franchise-bassed on the will of the majority, which you now also declaritively oppose. Mr. Jefferson asks—“ is he honest, is he capable, and will he support the Constitution and laws of the United States?? what, Sir, would he now say of your recently declared “ sentiments and opinions,”-in direct opposition to the Constitution, and the “ supreme laws of the land ?

It will facilitate the means towards a more clear understanding and patriotic attractment to our exist

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