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int.,

Break (The) and some English guesses. Norman Angell. N. American R., 205:698. May.

Call (The) to arms. George Harvey. N. American R., 205:641. May.

Call (The) to arms. President's proclamation of conscription law creating the National Army of the United States. Current History, 6:381. June.

Entente's (The) greetings to America. Memorable utterances of European leaders on entry of United States into the war. Current History, 6:454. June.

For freedom and democracy. George Harvey. N. American R., 205:481. April.

German opinion on America's intervention. Current History, 6:468. June.

German (The) Chancellor's address on the break with the United States. Feb. 27, 1917. Current History, 6:61. April.

Internment of war vessels in the United States. Charles H. Huberich. International Law Notes, 2:24. Feb.

Intervention (L') Américaine. Paul Louis. La Revue Bleue, 55:252. April.

Leçons (Les) coloniales de la guerre. Le problème Américain. Paul Bourdarie. R. des Quest. Col. et maritimes, 42:34. March, April.

Lloyd-George on America's entrance into the war. Current History, 6:456. June.

Messaggio (II) di pace del Presidente al Senado americano. R. di diritto
11:51.
Mr. Balfour in America. Nicholas Murray Butler. R. of R., 55:488. May.

Stato (Lo) di guerra fra gli Stati Uniti d'America e la Germania. R. di diritto int., 11:60.

United States and Germany. J. D. Whelpley. Fortnightly, 111:492. March.

United (The) States and the League of Peace. H. N. Brailsford. Atlantic, 119:433. April.

Visit of noted diplomats. Marshal Joffre and Ministers Balfour and Viviani welcomed by the United States. Texts of their most eloquent speeches:

Current History, 6:389. War. Abandon (L') de poste et la désertion en présence de l'ennemi. G. Lepoittevin. Clunet, 44:498.

Can man abolish war? Harold Begbie. N. American R., 205:743, 886. May, June.

Conséquence de la prolongation des échéances des effets de commerce édictée à raison de la guerre dans les rapports des porteurs avec les endosseurs et tireurs des pays étrangers. Ch. Lyon-Caen. Clunet, 44:400.

Effetti (Gil) della guerra odierna sulle convenzioni per la tutela dei diritto industriali. M. Ghiron. R. di diritti int., 11:13.

Internment of war vessels in the United States. C. H. Huberich. Solicitor's J., 61:214, 230. Jan., Feb.

Rights of individuals in peace and war. W. K. Power. Canadian L. T., 37:33. Jan.

War crimes and war criminals. H. H. H. Bellot. Canadian L. T., Jan.

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37:9.

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War (The) power and the government of military forces. George Melling. J. of Criminal Law and Criminology, 7:556. Nov. Westphalia, Peace of. Dalla pace di Westfalia ad oggi. N. Romani. La vita

italiana 1916, vol. I:459. Wireless telegraphy. Rechtliche (Die) Stellung der drachtlosen Telegraphie im Kriege. Hennig. Zeitschrift für internationales Recht, 26:199.

KATHRYN SELLERS.

THE SPECIAL DIPLOMATIC MISSION OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF RUSSIA.1

ADDRESS OF ELIHU ROOT, CHAIRMAN, TO THE COUNCIL OF

MINISTERS, PETROGRAD, JUNE 15, 1917

THE mission for which I have the honor to speak is charged by the Government and the people of the United States of America with a message to the Government and the people of Russia.

The mission comes from a democratic republic. Its members are commissioned and instructed by a President who holds his high office as Chief Executive of more than one hundred million free people, by virtue of a popular election in which more than eighteen million votes were freely cast and fairly counted, pursuant to law, by universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage.

For one hundred and forty years our people have been struggling with the hard problems of self-government. With many shortcomings, many mistakes, many imperfections, we have still maintained order and respect for law, individual freedom, and national independence.

Under the security of our own laws we have grown in strength and prosperity, but we value our freedom more than wealth. We love liberty, and we cherish above all our possessions the ideals for which our fathers fought and suffered and sacrificed, that America might be free. We believe in the competence and power of democracy, and in our heart of hearts abides a faith in the coming of a better world, in which the humble and oppressed in all lands may be lifted up by freedom to a heritage of justice and equal opportunity.

The news of Russia's new-found freedom brought to America universal satisfaction and joy. From all the land sympathy and hope went out towards the new sister in the circle of democracies; and this mission is sent to express that feeling. The American democracy sends to the democracy of Russia, greeting, sympathy, friendship, brotherhood, and Godspeed.

· The complete addresses of Mr. Root in Russia are now in press, and will shortly be published by the Harvard University Press. — ED.

Distant America knows little of the special conditions of Russian life, which must give form to the government and to the laws which you are about to create. As we have developed our institutions to serve the needs of our national character and life, so we assume that you will develop your institutions to serve the needs of Russian character and life. As we look across the sea we distinguish no party and no class. We see great Russia as a whole; as one mighty striving and aspiring democracy. We know the self-control, the essential kindliness, the strong common-sense, the courage and the noble idealism, of Russian character. We have faith in you all. We pray for God's blessings upon you all. We believe that you will solve your problems; that you will maintain your liberty; and that our two great nations will march side by side in the triumphant progress of democracy until the old order has everywhere passed away and the world is free.

One fearful danger threatens the liberty of both nations. The armed forces of military autocracy are at the gates of Russia and of her Allies. The triumph of German arms will mean the death of liberty in Russia. No enemy is at the gates of America, but America has come to realize that the triumph of German arms means the death of liberty in the world; that we who love liberty and would keep it must fight for it, and fight now when the free democracies of the world may be strong in union and not delay until they may be beaten down separately in succession.

So America sends another message to Russia; that we are going to fight, and have already begun to fight, for your freedom equally with our own, and we ask you to fight for our freedom equally with yours. We would make your cause ours, and our cause yours, and with common purpose and the mutual helpfulness of firm alliance, make sure the victory over our common foe.

You will recognize your own sentiments and purposes in the words of President Wilson to the American Congress, when, on the second of April last, he advised the declaration of war against Germany. He said:

We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a government (the German government), following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its

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