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of government;" that his Majesty's commands for their apprehension were neither executed, nor, to the best of the deponent's remembrance, published, nor any proclamation or order, by their own authority, issued out for it; otherwise it had been almost impossible for the murderers to escape as they did." It was well known that the King had not been proclaimed in the Colony, and it was insinuated that, if they durst, they would cast off their allegiance and subjection to his Majesty. Alarmed by this intelligence the Governor called the General Court together on the 7th of August, when it was determined to proclaim the King, (which was accordingly done the next day,2) and to send another Address to England.3

1 Secretary Rawson's letter of July 4, 1661, to Governor Leet, in Hutch. Coll. Papers, pp. 333-41; Chalmers's Political Annals, pp. 172, 243-4; History of the Revolt of the Colonies, i. 99-100; Hutchinson, i. 198; Lord Say and Sele's letter of July 10, 1661, ibid. 202-3; John Crown's deposition, in Chalmers, pp. 2634; the King's letter of Oct. 21, 1631, ibid., p. 444. Whalley and Goffe arrived at Boston July 27, 1660, having left London before the King was proclaimed. They immediately took up their residence in Cambridge. In November the Act of Indemnity was brought over, and when it appeared that they were not excepted, some of the principal persons in the government became alarmed. The Governor summoned a Court of Assistants, Feb. 22d, to consult about securing the unbappy fugitives; but the Court did not agree to it. They left Cambridge Feb. 26th, and reached New Haven March 7th, 1661. A few days after their removal a hue-and-cry was brought by the way of Barbadoes, and the Governor and Assistants issued a warrant, March 8th, to secure them. In May the royal mandate for their apprehension was received, and Thomas Kellond and Thomas Kirke, two young merchants from England, were despatched in pursuit of them; they left Boston May 7th, and having gone through the Colonies as far as the Dutch settlements, returned to Boston the latter part of the month, and reported to the Governor that their efforts to seize "the murderers" had been fruitless. On the 10th of June following the Declaration of Rights and Duties was presented to the Court, one clause of which was as follows:

"We further judge, that the warrant and letter from the King's Majesty for the apprehending of Colonell Whalley and Colonell Goffe ought to be diligently and faithfully executed by the authority of this Court."

46

On the 19th of June the General Court, being upon the point of adjournment, voted that "if in this vacancy any opertunity present to write for England, the Governour is desired by the first conveyance to certify his Majesty or the Secretaries of State, what himselfe and the Councill have acted touching serching for Colonell Whalley and Colonell Goffe in the prosecution of his Majesty's warrant." On the 4th of July the Council granted to Kellond and Kirke two hundred and fifty acres of land each, as a small recompense for theire paynes in goinge to Connecticutt, New Haven, and Monhatoes for searchinge after Col. Whalley and Goffe ;" and the same day Secretary Rawson, by order of the Council, signified to Governor Leet, of New Haven, "that the non-attendance with diligence to execute the Kings Majestys warrant for the apprehending of Colonel Whaley and Goffe will much hazard the present state of these Colonies; and that, in theire understanding, there remaines no way to expiate the offence, and preserve themselves from the danger and hazard, but by apprehending the said persons," who were known to be in that Colony; and on Sept. 5th the Commissioners of the United Colonies published a manifesto, wherein they "advise and forwarne all persons whatsoever within our respective jurisdictions that may have any knowlidge or enformation where the said Whalley and Goffe are, that they forthwith make knowne the same to some of the Governors next resideing; and in the meane time doe theire utmost endeavors for theire apprehending and securing, as they will answare the contrary att theire perill."

Befriended by Governor Leet, Rev. Mr. Davenport, and a few others, Goffe and Whalley effectually eluded discovery. The magistrates of Massachusetts supposed that they had left the country; and there can be no doubt that, if they could have taken them, they would have sent them prisoners to England, in accordance with the King's commands.

Hutchinson, i. 197-201; Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 242-7; Stiles's History of three of the Judges of Charles I., (12mo. Hartford, 1794,); the Report of Kellond and Kirke to Governor Endicott, in Hutch. Coll. Papers, pp. 334-8; Rawson's Letter of July 4, 1661. ibid., pp. 339-41; Hazard, ii. 451, and also Hutch. Coll. Papers, pp. 344-5; Mass. Hist. Coll. xvIII. 67-8, XXVI. 123-8.

2 Hazard, ii. 593. Immediately upon the news of the Restoration Rhode Island, anxious to obtain a Charter, hastened to proclaim Charles II., and to confirm the au

See Rawson's letter; Hutchinson, i. 199-201; Coll. Papers, pp. 341-4, and Hazard, ii. 593-5; Endicott's letter, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxi. 51-3; and pages 575-6.

In the autumn was received the King's letter of Sept. 9th, concerning the punishment of the Quakers, commanding them "to forbear to proceed any farther therein, but forthwith send the said persons over into England." The letter was read at a Court held Nov. 27, 1661, and, in obedience to his Majesty's commands, it was ordered "that the execution of the laws in force against Quakers, as such, so far as they respect corporal punishment or death, be suspended until this Court take further order." Soon after came orders "to send persons to England to answer these various accusations" which were made against the Colony. The Governor summoned the Court, which met on the 31st of December, and named Simon Bradstreet and Rev. John Norton their agents to England; and a committee was appointed to make arrangements for their departure. "After much agitation and opposition" the preparations were at length completed, and the agents sailed from Boston on the 10th or 11th of February, 1661-2, furnished with a commission and instructions, an Address to the King, and letters to Lord Say and Sele, the Earls of Clarendon and Manchester, and others who were known to be friendly to the Colony. "Their reception," says Hutchinson, was much more favorable than was expected, their stay short, returning the next fall with the King's most gracious letter" of June 28, 1662.1

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The royal missive was read in the General Court, at Boston, October 8, 1662, and we are assured that portions of it "cheered the hearts of the country." But we are, at the same time, informed that "there were some things hard to comply with; and although it was ordered to be published, yet it was with this caution, that inasmuch as the letter hath influence upon the churches as well as civil state, all manner of actings in relation thereto shall be suspended until the next General Court, that so all persons concerned may have time and opportunity to consider of what is necessary to be done in order to his Majesty's pleasure therein.'" The letter was

thority of her " trusty and well beloved friend and agent, Mr. John Clarke," who still remained in England, whither he had accompanied Roger Williams in 1651. In her "humble address" to the monarch she declares "that it is much on their hearts (if they may be permitted) to hold forth a lively experiment, that a most flourishing civil State may stand, and best be maintained, with a full liberty in religious concernments; and that true piety, rightly grounded upon Gospel principles, will give the best and greatest security to sovereignty, and will lay in the hearts of men the strongest obligations to true loyalty." A Charter was granted to her prayers, July 8, 1663, by which "all and every person and persons may, at all times hereafter, freely and fully have and enjoy his and their own judgments and consciences, in matters of religious concernments, they behaving themselves peaceably and quietly, and not using this liberty to licentious ess and profaneness, nor to the civil injury or outward disturbance of othChalmers, p. 274; Bancroft, ii. 51, 61-5; R. I. Hist. Coll. 111. 62-3, iv. 99, 100, 161, 211, 263 Clarke's Commission, ibid. iv. 239-40, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xvII. 90-1; Charter, R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 241-61, and Hazard, ii. 612-23.

ers."

Connecticut avowed her allegiance to King Charles in March, 1660-1, New Haven proclaimed him on the 21st of August, and the former Colony, desirous of a Patent, took measures for the despatch of the younger Winthrop to England. Furnished with an address to the King, and a letter to the venerable Lord Say and Sele, her accomplished agent "the darling of New England found no difficulty in obtaining a Charter as amply priviledged as was ever enjoy'd perhaps by any people under the cope of Heaven." By this Charter, dated April 20, 1662, New Haven was incorporated with Connecticut, and Long Island became subject, for a time, to her laws. Chalmers, p. 292; Trumbull, i 239-40, 248, 511-15; Mather's Magnalia, Book I. p. 24; Charter, Hazard, ii. 597-605.

Charles II. was proclaimed at Plymouth, June 5, 1661. Hazard, ii. 590.

See pages 571-4, 576-7; Chalmers, p. 253; Hutchinson, i. 201-2; Danforth Papers, in Mass Hist. Coll. xvII. 52-5. The person authorized by the King to bring over his Mandamus concerning the Quakers, was "one Samuel Shattock, who, being an inhabitant of New England, was banished on pain of death if ever he returned thither." Sewel's History of the Quakers, (fol. Lond. 1725.) pp. 272-4. The Mandamus is in Sewel, pp. 272-3, Hazard, ii. 595-6, and Baylies's Memoir of Plymouth Colony, (Svo. Bost. 1830,) Part II. p 52; the proceedings of the Mass. General Court on the receipt thereof may be found in Hazard, ii. 596.

referred to the consideration of a Committee, and liberty was given to any of the elders, freemen, or other inhabitants to "send in their thoughts" on the subject.'

Meantime the complaints against the Colony increased. It had been asserted that Whalley and Goffe were at the head of an army; that the Confederacy of 1643 was a "war combination, made by the four Colonies when they had a design to throw off their dependence on England, and for that purpose." It was in vain that Lord Say and Sele-now tottering beneath the weight of years and disease-appeared at the Council-board in their defence; in vain that he declared their accusers to be rogues-that they belied the country-that "he knew New England men were of another principle." Addresses had been received" from the great men and natives of those countries, in which they complain of breach of faith, and acts of violence and injustice which they had been forced to undergoe." The requisitions of his Majesty's letter had been but partially complied with, and the answer of the General Court thereto was very far from giving satisfaction. In January, 1662-3, the "Council for Colonies" represented to Charles that" New England hath in those late times of general disorder strayed into many enormities, by which it appeared that the government there have purposely withdrawn all manner of correspondence, as if they intended to suspend their absolute obedience to his Majesty's authority," and advised that a "conciliatory letter" should be written to the Colonists. At last, for the effectual redress of these grievances, and as a manifestation of his "fatherly affection" toward his subjects in the several Colonies of New England, Charles, in April, 1663, declared it to be his intention to "preserve the Charter of the Colony, but to send Commissioners thither to see how it was observed." 4 This measure was not carried into effect until April 25, 1664, when a Commission was issued, empowering Col. Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, "to hear and determine all complaints and appeals, in all causes and matters, as well military as criminal and civil," within New England, and to proceed in all things for the providing for and settling the peace and security of the country" They were secretly instructed" to give no tinie for those secret jealousies to grow, which are natural to the place, nor for the like infusions to be transmitted from hence, [England,] where many people are who wish not success to your employment;" to obtain the repeal of such ordinances as had been passed, during the usurpation, contrary to the royal authority; to procure an exact observance of the Charters; to acquire the nomination of the Governor and the command of the militia; but, at the same time, to encourage no faction; to countenance no change inconsistent with their ancient usages, unless first moved in the Assembly; to solicit no present profit, which was deemed unseasonable; to propose no measure that could be considered an invasion of liberty of conscience;

1 Danforth Papers, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 55; Hutchinson, i. 203-5.

2 William Fiennes, Viscount Say and Sele, the firm friend of New England, died April 14, 1662, aged 77 years. See his letter of Dec 11, 1661, to Gov. Winthrop, in Trumbull, i. 515; Collins's Peerage, vii. 22; Wood's Athena, iii. 546-50; Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, iii. 69-71.

3 In April, 1662, the Narragansett Sachems sent an address to Charles II., "in which they remembered an address of the same nature made some eighteen years before," viz. April 19, 1644, when Pessicus and Canonicus made a formal submission to Charles I. Charles's letter of Oct. 21, 1681; the preamble to the Commission of 1664, with the accompanying letter of the King to Mass.; Mass. Hist. Coll. xvII, 99, 105; Potter's Early History of Narragansett, in R. I. Hist. Coll. u. 43, 62; Gorton's "Simplicity's Defence," ibid. 11. 158-60.

4 The Privy Council, according to Chalmers, referred it to the Duke of York, "to consider of fit men" to be sent as Commissioners.

5 Smith, (History of New York, p. 25,) Thompson, and Trumbull, say April 26th; Williamson (History of Maine, i. 409,) says April 15th; and Minot, (History of Mass. i. 43,) April 5th.

moreover, out of regard to the "prejudices" of the Colonists, the chaplain of the Commission was directed not to use the surplice.'

Armed with these instructions, and furnished with letters to the several Colonies, the Commissioners took their departure. Meanwhile vague rumors had reached New England, of an armed force destined for her ports; and on the 28th of May, the General Court being assembled at Boston, information was given them "that they might suddenly expect the arrival of some of his Majesty's ships, with Commissioners to visit his Majesty's Colonies in these parts of America." Upon this intelligence precautionary measures were at once adopted. The Captain of the Castle was ordered to give immediate notice of the approach of the fleet to the Governor and Deputy; two gentlemen (" whose habitations are in Boston,") were appointed to wait on the Commissioners upon their arrival, and to request that the officers and soldiers should not be allowed to come on shore, save in small parties, and without arms. The Patent, with a duplicate, was committed, for safe keeping, to the care of four members of the Court, who were directed "to dispose of them as might be most safe for the country." Finally, a day was set apart for fasting and prayer, "to implore the mercy of God to them under their many distractions and troubles, according as they should stand in need." 3

After a boisterous passage, Colonel Nichols and George Cartwright, Esq., arrived at Boston, in the ship Guerney, on Saturday, the 23d of July, "about five or six of the clock at night." The rest of the fleet, having been driven to the eastward, arrived at Piscataqua, about the same time, with Sir Robert Carr and Samuel Maverick, Commissioners, and John Archdale, the agent of Ferdinando Gorges. Nichols and Cartwright requested that the Council might be called together without delay. It accordingly assembled on the 26th, when the Commissioners produced their Commission, with the King's letter of April 23d to the Colony, and that portion of their Instructions which related to "the reducing of the Dutch at the Manhattoes," and requested assistance for the conquest of New Netherlands, which was comprised in the recent Grant to the Duke of York. On the 27th Nichols and Cartwright made a formal request, in writing," that the government of Boston would pass an act to furnish them with armed men, who should begin their march to the Manhattans on the 20th of August ensuing, and promised that, if they could get other

1 See Temple's letter of March 4, 1662-3, in Mass. Hist. Coll xxvII. 127; letter of Commissioners to Gov. Prince, of Plymouth, ibid. v. 192; the King's letters of April 23, 1664, and Oct. 21, 1681, to Mass; the answer of the General Court to his Majesty's letter of June 28, 1662, dated Nov 25, 1662, in Danforth Papers, 47-9; Chalmers's History of the Revolt, &c., i. 112-13; Political Annals, pp. 386, 432; copies of the Commission may be found in Hutchinson, i. 459-60, and Hazard, ii. 638-9, Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 522-3, and Thompson's Long Island, i. 119-20.

2 Richard Bellingham, John Leverett, Thomas Clark, and Edward Johnson. 3 Chalmers's Revolt, &c., i. 113; Hutchinson, i. 210-11; Smith's History of New York, (4to. Lond. 1757,) p. 11; Danforth Papers, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xvIII. 92. 4 See the Duke of York's Patent, dated March 12, 1664-5, for "all that part of New England, beginning att a certaine place, called or knowne by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining to New Scotland, in America, and from thence extending along the seacoast unto a certaine place called Petuaquino, or Penaquid, and so up the River thereof to ye furthest head of the same, as it tendeth northward, and extending from thence to the River of Kenebeque, and so upward by the shortest course to ye River Canada northward; and also all that Island or Islands, commonly called by the severall name or names of Matawacks or Long Island, abutting upon the maine land betweene the two Rivers Conecticott and Hudson, together also with the said River called Hudsons, and all the land from the west side of Connecticott to the east side of Delaware Bay; and also all those severall Islands cailed or known by the name of Martins Vinyards and Nantukes, otherwise Nantuckett, with all the Lands, Islands, Soyles." &c., "to the severall Islands, Lands, and premises belonging and appurtaining," &c. &c., in Thompson's Long Island, ii. 308-11.

assistance, they would give them an account of it." The Council replied that they would cause the General Court to assemble on the 3d of August, and lay the request before them. With this answer the Commissioners, says Thomas Danforth, manifested themselves not well satisfied, and informed the Governor and Council that there was yet many more things, which they had in charge from his Majesty to signify to them, which work they would attend at their return from the Manhattoes; and commended to the Court that, in the mean time, they would further consider of his Majesty's letter to this Colony, June 28, 1662, and give a more satisfactory answer to his Majesty concerning the same than formerly."

On the 29th of July a letter was sent from Boston, by the Commissioners, to Governor Winthrop, of Connecticut, informing him that the ships had arrived in safety, and were only waiting for a fair wind to sail for the New Netherlands, and requesting him to meet them at the west end of Long Island."

Nichols, whom the Duke of York had appointed his Deputy Governor within the territories lately granted to him by his royal brother, soon proceeded to Manhattan, without waiting for aid from Massachusetts. His force consisted of four frigates and three hundred men. He entered the harbor of New York, Aug. 19th, and on the 20th summoned Stuyves.int, the Dutch Governor, to surrender, and published a Proclamation to the inhabitants of Long Island. Here he was joined by Governor Winthrop, and several other gentlemen, from Connecticut. Governor Winthrop wrote a letter to the Dutch Governor and Council, recommending the surrender of the City. Stuyvesant refused. Officers were immediately sent to obtain volunteers on Long Island, and orders were given to Capt. Hugh Hide, who commanded the squadron, to proceed to the reduction of the fort. These preparations, with the solicitations of those about him, induced Stuyvesant, on the 26th, to agree to a surrender, and on the 27th of August Articles of Capitulation were signed by the English and Dutch Commissioners, which, having received the assent of Colonel Nichols,

1 Chalmers's Political Annals, pp. 573-4; Smith's History of New York p. 12 ; Danforth Papers, in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVIII. 92-3; Hutchinson, i. 211; Josselyn's Voyages to New England, (2d ed., 16mo. Lond. 1675,) p. 272; Maine Hist. Coll. L. 109; Hazard, ii. 639-40.

2 The King himself and the Lord Chancellor told Mr. Winthrop of Connecticut, and Mr. Clarke, of Rhode Island, and several others, now in these countries, that he intended shortly to send over Commissioners, and to many of these we brought letters, either from the King or the Lord Chancellor." The Commissioners to the Mass. General Court, May 2, 1665. According to Smith, Col Nichols arrived first at Cape Cod, from whence he despatched "a letter to Mr. Winthrop, the Governor of Connecticut, requesting his assistance," and then proceeded to Boston, stopping at Nantasket on his way. Smith's New York, pp. 11-12; Danforth Papers, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 56.

3 By an instrument dated at Whitehall, April 2, 1664. Thompson, i. 119.

4 See the Articles in Smith, and in Thompson, ii. 316-18. They were subscribed by Sir Robert Carr and George Cartwright, two of the royal Commissioners, Gov. John Winthrop and Samuel Wyllys, of Connecticut, and Thomas Clark and John Pynchon, "Commissioners from the General Court of the Massachusetts Bay, who," says Smith, "but a little before, brought an aid from that Province." The same author also informs us that "in two days after the surrender the Boston aid was dismissed, with the thanks of the Commissioners to the General Court." Hutchinson and Judge Davis tell us that "Thomas Clark and John Pynchon, as Commissioners from Massachusetts, and Thomas Willet, from Plymouth, attended the King's Commissioners to Manhadoes," and Hutchinson says that troops "were raised" in Massachusetts, "but the place surrendering on Articles, no orders were given for them to march." Thomas Danforth says that "although there was no order given by the Commissioners for the soldiers, thus listed, to march from Boston, yet on this expedition there was expended out of the publick treasury of this Colony, for the encouragement of the soldiers listed, their maintenance until discharged, and for their provisions and ammunition, &c., together with payments made to such as were sent with their ships to pilot them into