to raise him a Seed to preserve a light unto his Name: So the Devil, when he saw the world apostatizing from him, laid the foundations of a new Kingdom, by deducting this Colony from the North into America, where since they have increased into an innumerable multitude. And where did the Devil ever reign more absolutely and without controll, since mankind fell first under his clutches? And here it is to be noted, that the story of the Mexican Kingdom (which was not founded above 400 years before ours came thither) relates out of their own memorials and traditions that they came to that place from the North; whence their God Vitzliliputzli led them, going in an Ark before them and after divers years travel and many stations (like enough after some generations) they came to the place which the Sign he had given them at their first setting forth pointed out, where they were to finish their travels, build themselves a City, and their God a Temple; which is the place where Mexico was built. Now if the Devil were God's ape in this; why might he not be so likewise in bringing the first Colony of men into that world out of ours? namely, by Oracle, as God did Abraham out of Chaldee, whereto I before resembled it. But see the hand of Divine Providence. When the off-spring of these Runnagates from the sound of Christ's Gospel had now replenisht that other world, and began to flourish in those two Kingdoms of Peru and Mexico, Christ our Lord sends his Mastives the Spaniards to hunt them out and worry them: Which they did in so hideous a manner, as the like thereunto scarce ever was done since the Sons of Noah came out of the Ark. What an affront to the Devil was this, where he had thought to have reigned securely, and been forever concealed from the knowledge of the followers of Christ? Yet the Devil perhaps is less grieved for the loss of his servants by the destroying of them, than he would be to lose them by the saving of them; by which latter way I doubt the Spaniards have despoiled him but of a few. What then if Christ our Lord will give him his second affront with better Christians, which may be more grievous to him than the former? And if Christ shall set him up a light in this manner, to dazle and torment the Devil at his own home, I will hope they shall not so far degenerate (not all of them) as to come in that Army of Gog and Magog against the Kingdom of Christ, but be translated thither before the Devil be loosed, if not presently after his tying up. And whence should those Nations get notice of the glorious happiness of our world, if not by some Christians that had lived among them? Thus have I told you out my fancy of the Inhabitants of that world: which though it be built upon mere conjectures, and not upon firm grounds; yet may have so much use as to shew a possibility of answering such scruples as are wont to run in men's heads concerning them; which consideration is not always to be despised. JOSEPH MEDE." Dated at "Christ's Colledge, 66 In Dr. Twisse's Fifth Letter to Mr. Mede," (dated "Newbury, April 6, 1635," he says: "As for the peopling of the new world, I find more in this Letter of yours than formerly I have been acquainted with. Your conceit thereabouts, if I have any judgment, is grave and ponderous; and the particular you touch upon, of Satan's wisdom imitating the wisdom of God, doth affect me with admiration. And for matter of fact, the grounds you go upon, for ought I see, are as good as the world can afford. Call that which you write Fancies, as your modesty suggests; I cannot but entertain them as sage conceits." Page 32, note a. The MS. originally read thus, on the south side of the country, viz. between that river and Narragansett, [at] the bottom, &c. Page 35, note a. For accounts of the Indians in New England see Wood's New England's Prospect, Part ii; Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, (Svo. Salem, 1795,) i. 404-23; Young's Chronicles of Plymouth and Massachusetts; Drake's Book of the Indians; and Lewis's History of Lynn, (2d ed., 8vo. Bost. 1844,) pp. 45 et seq. Page 36, note a. On Tuesday, Aug. 12, 1606, Capt. Henry Challons sailed from Plymouth, in the Richard, a ship of 55 tons, or thereabouts, with twenty-nine Englishmen and "two of the five savages (whose names were Mannido and Assacomoit) which were brought into England the yeare before, out of the North parts of Virginia, from our goodly River by him thrice discovered," to make a farther discovery of the coasts of North Virginia, and to leave as many men as they could spare in the country; "being victualled for eleven or twelve months, at the charge of the Honorable Sir John Popham, Knight, Lord Chief Justice of England, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, Captain of the Fort of Plymouth, together with divers other worshipful Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, of the West Country," who composed the Plymouth Company. On his passage from the West India Islands toward the American coast, when about one hundred and eighty leagues from Porto Rico, ("having had a very great storm of Wind and Rain continuing fifty-six hours and more,") on the 10th of November, Challons fell in with a Spanish fleet of eight sail, coming from Havana, was taken prisoner, and carried into Spain, "where the ship and goods were confiscate, the voyage overthrown, and both the Natives lost." Shortly after Challons's departure another ship, with farther supplies, was despatched from Bristol by the Chief Justice, under the command of Thomas Hanham and Martin Prinne, but not finding Challons, they made "a perfect discovery of all those rivers and harbors," and returned to England, bringing with them, says Gorges, "the most exact discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands; which wrought such an impression in the Lord Chief Justice and his associates," and encouraged them to such a degree, that "every man was willing to join in the charge for the sending over a competent number of people to lay the ground of a hopeful plantation." 66 Accordingly, on the 31st of May, 1607, Capt. George Popham, Capt. Raleigh Gilbert, and others, sailed from Plymouth, with two ships, the Gift, and the Mary and John, two natives, (viz. Skitwarres and Dehamda,) and an hundred landmen. On the 11th of August they fell in with the island of Monhegan, and proceeding southward, they chose the place of their Plantation at the mouth of Sagadahoc," now Kennebec, "River, in a westerly peninsula." After a sermon had been preached, and their Laws and Patent read, a fortification was erected, to which was given the name of Fort St. George. On the 15th of December the ships in which the colonists had crossed the Atlantic, set sail for England, leaving behind them forty-five men, who alone, out of a hundred, had the courage to brave the severity of the winter and the scarcity of provisions. Leaving these vessels to pursue their course, let us turn our attention for one moment to England. On the 10th of June, 1607, died the venerable Chief Justice, Sir John Popham, at the age of 76 years. The Council of New England, in their Brief Relation, thus notice this event: "In the mean while it pleased God to take from us this worthy member, the Lord Chief Justice, whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the most part of the Adventurers, as some grew cold, and some did wholly abandon the business. Yet Sir Francis Popham, his son, certain of his private 1 Gorges says three ships, evidently misled by the compound name of the "Mary and John." He also says that they "arrived at their rendezvous the 8th of August. friends, and other of us, omitted not the next year to join in sending forth a new supply, which was accordingly performed." 66 The ships having now arrived from Sagadehock were fitted out with all necessary supplies for the infant Colony, and sent back again; and some small time after" another was despatched on the like errand; "but," say the Council in their Vindication, "the ships arriving there, did not only bring uncomfortable news of the death of the Lord Chief Justice, together with the death of Sir John Gilbert, the elder brother unto Captain Rawley Gilbert, who at that time was President of that Council; but found that the old Captain Popham was also dead; who was the only man (indeed) that died there that winter, wherein they endured the greater extremities; for that, in the depth thereof, their lodgings and stores were burnt, and they thereby wondrously distressed. "This calamity and evil news, together with the resolution that Captain Gilbert was forced to take for his own return, (in that he was to succeed his brother in the inheritance of his lands in England,) made the whole company to resolve upon nothing but their return with the ships; and for that present to leave the country again, having in the time of their abode there (notwithstanding the coldness of the season, and the small help they had) built a pretty Bark of their own, which served them to good purpose, as easing them in their returning." "And thus," says Prince, "this Plantation begins and ends in one year." But after this, continues the same diligent Chronicler, "Sir Francis Popham sends Captain Williams divers times to this coast, for trade and fishing only; and Sir F. Gorges also sends Vines, with a ship to fish, trade, and discover, for some years together, and hires men to stay the winter, wherein the plague raged among the Indians, which I suppose is the winter 1616, 17." Purchas's Pilgrims, (fol. Lond. 1625,) iv. 1832-4, 1837; Gorges's America Painted to the Life, (sm. 4to. Lond. 1659,) Part 2, pp. 4-6, 8-10; The President and Council's Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, (sm. 4to. Lond. 1622,) pp. 8-10; Smith's General History of Virginia, New England, &c., pp. 203-4; Purchas's Pilgrimage, (fol. Lond. 1617,) p. 939; Prince, pp. 113-14, 116, 117-18, 119; Holmes, i. 125, 130-1, 132; Maine Hist. Coll. 11. 23-4, 27-31. Page 37, note a. For an interesting account of Sir John Popham see Wood's Athenæ Oxon., ii. 20-2. Page 37, note b. There seems to be some confusion in the accounts of 1 Gorges says that they "brought with them the success of what had past in that employment, which so soon as it came to the Lord Chief Justice hands, he gave out order to the Council for sending them back with supplies necessary." Here is a most unaccountable mistake, which has been followed by Prince in his Annals; how could the Chief Justice have given orders about the supplies, when he died June 10, 1607, just after the departure of the colonists, and these ships, as Gorges himself states, did not leave Sagadehock until Dec. 15, 1607! Sir John Popham was buried in the south aisle of the church at Wellington, in Somersetshire, in a magnificent tomb, over which is an arched canopy, bearing upon its west side the following inscription, which is here given entire, that there may be no doubt as to the correctness of the above statement. "Sir John Popham, Knighte, Lord Chief Justice of England; and of the honourable privie counsel to Queen Elizabeth, and after to King James; died the 10th of June 1607, aged 76, and is here interred." Collinson's History of Somerset, (4to. Bath, 1791,) ii. 483. See also Wood's Athena Oxonienses, (Bliss's ed. 4to., Lond. 1813-20,) ii. 20; Beatson's Political Index, (3d. ed., 8vo. Lond. 1806,) ii. 291; Maine Hist. Coll. 11. 77. 2 He died Feb. 5, 1608. "He was well stricken in years," says Gorges, " before he went, and had long been an infirm man; howsoever, heartened by hopes, willing he was to die in acting something that might be serviceable to God, and honorable to his country." the Indians carried to England by Capts. Weymouth, Harlow, and Hunt, in the years 1605, 1611, and 1614. See Prince, pp. 109, 126, 132; Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, (8vo. Bost. 1844,) pp. 186, 190, 215; Drake's Book of the Indians, (8vo. Bost. 1845,) ii. pp. 5-11. Page 38, note a. He sailed from the Downs on the 3d of March, with two ships, and forty-five men and boys, "at the charge of Capt. Marmaduke Roydon, Capt. George Langam, Mr. John Buley, and Mr. William Skelton," and arrived at Monahigan April 30th. Prince, p. 131; Smuth, P. 204. "Mr John Buley" is, perhaps, the "Capt. Burleigh, captain of Yarmouth Castle," mentioned by Winthrop as visiting him on Tuesday, April 6, 1630, "a grave, comely gentleman, and of great age- - an old sea captain in Queen Elizabeth's time." See Winthrop's New England, (Savage's ed., 8vo. Bost. 1825 & 1826.) i. 4; also Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, (8vo. Bost. 1846,) p. 220. Page 40, note a. the authority of the account of Smith's French pirate has been substituted for small pirate on President and Council's "Relation," from which this voyage appears to have been copied. Page 46, note a. The MS. originally read, by the blunder of the transcriber, to go one and the publicke good. The second and third words are evident mistakes for yr own. Some one has cancelled the e in one, and substituted for for and. It has been deemed advisable to restore what was, in all probability, the original and correct reading. Page 46, note b. The MS. reads, as is best to their own benefit and the end for which they came. For which was first written from whence. Page 46, note c. Thus correctly written in the first place; some later hand has half altered it to into consideration, and so it was printed in the former edition. Page 46, note d. And so they do now return unto. These words are not in the MS. The cause of the omission is obvious. In copying from Bradford's or Morton's MS., the eye caught, at the end of the sentence, the word unto, which occurs in each member, and the transcriber, supposing it to be the word which he had just transferred, went on from that point. This kind of omission is what is called homoioteleuten. Page 46, note e. an accurate copy in This letter has been revised and corrected by means of Page 47, note a. For this letter, as well as for the rest of the corre spondence of the Pilgrims with the Virginia Company and their agents in England, see Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 59-74. Page 47, note b. "However, the Patent being carried by one of their messengers to Leyden, for the people to consider, with several proposals for their transmigration, made by Mr. Thomas Weston, of London, merchant, and other friends and merchants as should either go or adventure with them, they are requested to prepare with speed for the voyage. 1620. Upon receiving these, they first keep a day of solemn prayer, Mr. Robinson preaching a very suitable sermon from 1 Sam. XXII. 3, 4, strengthening them against their fears, and encouraging them in their resolutions; and then conclude how many and who should prepare to go first, for all that were willing could not get ready quickly. The greater number being to stay require their pastor to tarry with them; their elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with the other; those who go first to be an absolute church of themselves, as well as those that stay, with this proviso, that as any go over or return, they shall be reputed as members, without further dismission or testimonial; and those who tarry, to follow the rest as soon as they can." Bradford, in Prince, pp. 155–6. Page 47, note c. "Mr. Weston coming to Leyden the people agree with him on articles both for shipping and money to assist in their transportation; then send Mr. Carver and Cushman to England, to receive the money, and provide for the voyage, Mr. Cushman at London, Mr. Carver at Southampton.-There was also one Mr. Martin chosen in England to join with Mr. Carver and Cushman; he came from Billerica, in Essex, from which country came several others, as also from London and other places to go with them." Bradford, in Prince, p. 156. Page 43, note a. On the 23d of July, 1620, King James gave a warrant to Sir Thomas Coventry, his Solicitor-General, to prepare a "Patent of Incorporation "for the Adventurers of the Northern Colonie in Virginia, between the degrees of 40 and 48." This warrant may be seen in Gorges's America, Part 2, p. 21; the Patent, dated at Westminster, Nov. 3, 1620, is in Hazard's State Papers, (4to, Philadelphia, 1792 & 1794,) i. 103-18. "New England," says Smith, (General History of Virginia; New England, &c., p. 206,)" is that part of America in the Ocean Sea, opposite to Nova Albion in the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage about the world, in regard whereof this is stiled New England, being in the same latitude." "That part we call New England is betwixt the degrees of fortie one and fortie five, but that part this Discourse speaketh of stretcheth but from Penobscot to Cape Cod." Ibid. p. 208. In the summer of 1614 Smith 66 ranged the Coast in a small Boat," and took a Draught" of it "from point to point, Ile to Ile, and Harbor to Harbor, with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks, and Land-markes, and called it New England." Ibid. pp. 204, 205, 207; see pages 84 and 217. Page 51, note a. For a consideration of this charge against Jones, see Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 102; and Russell's Guide to Plymouth, (12mo. Bost. 1846,) pp. 42-4. Page 51, note b. "The time being come that they must depart, they were accompanied with the most of their brethren out of the city unto a town sundry miles off, called Delft-Haven, where the ship lay ready to reccive them. So they left that goodly and pleasant city, which had been their resting-place near twelve years. But they knew they were PILGRIMS, and looked not much on those things, but lifted up their eyes to Heaven, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits. When they came to the place, they found the ship and all things ready; and such of their friends as could not come with them, followed after them; and sundry also came from Amsterdam to see them shipped, and to take their leave of them. The next day, the wind being fair, they went on board, and their friends with them; when truly doleful was the sight of that sad and mournful parting; to see what sighs and sobs, and prayers did sound amongst them; what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each other's heart; that sundry of the Dutch strangers, that stood on the quay as spectators, could not refrain from tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it was to see such lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned love. But the tide, which stays for no man, calling them away, that were thus loth to depart, their reverend pastor, falling down on his knees, and they all with him, with watery cheeks commended them, with most fervent prayers, to the Lord and his blessing: and then, with mutual embraces and many tears, they took their leaves of one another, which proved to be their last leave to many of them." Bradford, in Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 87-8. |