these concessions, the Governor saw cause to call a second meeting, where all the reasons, pro and con, were laid down and debated. After all which, the Governor and Council could not apprehend it any more unlawful for them to allow him liberty to provide himself succor from amongst their people, than it was for Joshua to aid the Gibeonites against the rest of the Canaanites, or for Jehoshaphat to aid Jehoram against Moab, in which expedition Elisha was present, and did not reprove the King of Judah, but, for his presence sake, saved their lives by a miracle; yet the ill success at the last seems not fully justified by these reasons. The Governor also, by letters, informed the rest of the Commissioners of what had passed, giving them the reasons why they did so presently give him his answer, without further trouble to the country, or delay to the French Monsieur, whose distress was very urgent. In like manner did the Governor, with the advice of some of the magistrates and others, write to D'Aulney, by way of answer to his letters of November last, to this effect; viz. whereas he found, by the copy of the arrest sent from himself, that La Tour was under displeasure and censure in France, and therefore intended to have no further to do with him than by way of commerce, which is allowed, &c., and if he had made prize of any of their vessels in that way, as he had threatened, they should have righted themselves as well as they could, without injury to himself, or just offence to his Majesty of France, (whom they did honor as a great and mighty Prince,) and should endeavor so to behave themselves towards his Majesty and all his subjects, &c., as became them. But La Tour coming to them, and acquainting them how it is with him, and mentioning the Vice Admiral's commission, with the letters, &c., though they thought not fit to give him aid, as being unwilling to intermeddle in any of the wars of their neighbors, yet considering his urgent necessity and distress, they could not so far dispense with the laws of Christianity and humanity, as to deny him liberty to hire for his money any ships in their harbor; and whereas some of their people were willing to go along with him, (though without any commission) they had charged them to endeavor, by all means, to bring matters to a reconciliation, &c., and that they should be assured, if they should do or attempt any thing against the rules of justice and good neighborhood, they must be accountable thereof unto them at their return. Some other gentlemen did, at that time, affirm, that being accidentally, in their passage to New England, made to put into the harbor, where was La Tour's fort, they were there civilly treated, and accommodated with his own pinnace to transport them, when their ship was forced to leave them. And whereas he was charged with the killing two Englishmen at Machias, and detaining £500 worth of goods, that belonged to some of New England, about ten years ago, it was then made out, undeniably, that the Englishmen at Machias were all drunk, (which is not hard to believe, where men, that have not power to govern themselves, have strong liquors and wine to command at their pleasure,) and that they began to fire their murdering pieces against the Frenchmen, whom they had peaceably traded with but two or three days before. And for the goods, La Tour proffered to refer the matter to judgment yet, and that, if it should be found he had done them any wrong, he would make them satisfaction. In the end, nothing of moment being objected against their hiring of ships of force, to convey him and his lady, with their ship and goods, home to his fort, they set sail July the 14, 1643, with four ships and a pinnace, well manned with seventy or eighty volunteers, who all returned safe within two months after, without loss either of vessels or men, although they chased D'Aulney to his own fort, where he ran his two ships and pinnace aground, with intent to fortify himself with all expedition, and the messenger, that carried the letters to D'Aulney, was led blindfold into the house, and so returned, six or seven hours after. But the commander-in-chief3 of the See in Hazard, i. 499-501," Articles of Agreement" made June 30, 1643, "between Mounseir La Tour of the one party, and Captain Edward Gibbons and Thomas Hawkins, part owners of the good ship called the Seabridge, the ship Philip and Mary, the ship Increase, [and] the ship Greyhound, lett to freight to the said Mounseir De La Tour, of the other party," &c. &c.-H. About Aug. 20, says Winthrop,- 2 Captain Hawkins, mentioned in note1.—H. vessels, hired at Boston, would not be persuaded by La Tour, to make any assault upon D'Aulney; yet thirty of the New England men went, on their own accord, with La Tour's men, and drave some of D'Aulney's men from a mill, where they had entrenched themselves, with the loss of three of his men, and only three of La Tour's men wounded. Some of the country took great offence at these proceedings, and drew up a kind of protest against their actings in the Bay, and that they would be innocent of all the mischief that might ensue, &c. Some men have wit enough to find fault with what is done, though not half enough to know how to mend it, or to do better. The Governor, indeed, did blame himself for being over sudden in his resolution; for although a course may be warrantable and safe, yet it becomes wise men, in matters of moment, not to proceed without deliberation and advice. But, on the other hand, where present distress doth urge delays may be as dangerous as denials, and a kindness extorted out of a friend or neighbor with importunity, may be as ill resented afterward as an injury :-Bis dat, qui citò dat.1 2 In the summer following, La Tour, understanding that D'Aulney was coming out of France with great strength to subdue him, made another address to the Governor of the Massachusetts, to afford him aid, if need should be. Mr. Endicot being Governor that year, La Tour repaired to him at Salem, where he lived; who, understanding the French language, was moved with compassion toward him, and appointed a meeting of the magistrates and ministers to consider of the request. It seems this La Tour's father had purchased all the privileges and propriety of Nova Scotia from Sir William Alexander, and had been quietly possessed of it, himself and his father, about thirty years; and that Penobscot was theirs also, till within these five years, when D'Aulney by force dispossessed him thereof. His grant was confirmed under the Great Seal of N. Scotland, and he had obtained also another grant of a Scotch Baronetcy3 under the same seal. 1 See Sav. Win. ii. 109-15, 124-8; Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, pp. 113-34.-H. 1644.-H. Baronet in the MS. See Sav. Win. ii. 179.—н. 3 Most of the magistrates, and many others, were clear in the case that he ought to be relieved, not only out of charity, as a distressed neighbor, but in point of prudence, to prevent a dangerous enemy to be settled too near us. But after much disputation, those that most inclined to favor La Tour being unwilling to conclude any thing without a full consent, a third way was propounded, which all assented unto, which was this, that a letter should be sent to D'Aulney to this effect, viz. that by occasion of some Commissions of his, which had come to their hands, to take their people, and not knowing any just occasion they had given him, they would know the reason thereof, and withal, to demand satisfaction for the wrongs which he had done them and their Confederates, in taking Penobscot, and their men and goods at the Isle of Sables, and threatening to make prize of their vessels, if they came beyond Penobscot, &c., declaring withal, that although their men, which went the last year with La Tour, did it without any commission, counsel, or act of permission of the country, yet if he made it appear to them that they had done him any wrong, (which yet they knew not of,) they should be ready to do him justice, and requiring his express answer by the bearer, and expecting he should call in all such Commissions, &c. They sent also in their letter a copy of the order, published by the Governor and Council, whereby they forbade all their people to use any act of hostility (otherwise than in their own defence,) towards French or Dutch, &c., till the next General Court, mentioning also, in the same letter, a course of trade their merchants had entered into with La Tour, and their resolution to maintain them in it. This being all which La Tour could obtain at this time, he returned home the 9th [of] September, 1644, mutual signs of respect being given betwixt him and the gentlemen of Boston at his parting.1 It is here to be noted, that the same summer, Mr. Vines, agent for Sir Ferdinando Gorges, at Saco, Mr. Wannerton, that had some interest in the government of La Tour had been in the Bay two months, having arrived on the 15th of July previous.-H. In June and July.—н. See pages 215, 220.-H. Pascataqua, and Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid, went to La Tour to call for some debts, &c. In their way they put in at Penobscot, and were there detained prisoners a few days, but were afterward (for Mr. Shurt's sake, to whom D'Aulney was in debt,) dismissed, and going to La Tour, Mr. Wannerton, and some other Englishmen of the eastern parts, were entertained by him, and sent with about twenty of his men, to try if they could take Penobscot, (for they heard the fort was weakly manned, and in want of victuals.) They went first to a farm house of D'Aulney's, about six miles off, and there Wannerton and two men more went and knocked at the door, with their swords and pistols ready; one opens the door and another presently shot Wannerton dead, and a third shoots his second in the shoulder, but withal he discharged his pistol upon him and killed him. The rest of Wannerton's company came in and took the house, and the two men (for there were no more) prisoners, and then burnt the house and killed the cattle that were there, and so embarked themselves and came to Boston to La Tour. This Wannerton was a stout man, and had been a soldier many years; he had lived very wickedly in whoredom, drunkenness, and quarrelling, so as he had kept the Pascataqua men under awe many years, till they came under the government of the Massachusetts, but since that time he had been much restrained, and the people freed from his terror. He had (as was said) of late come under some terrors of conscience, and motions of the spirit, by means of the preaching of the word, but had shaken all off, and returned to his former dissolute course, and so continued, till God cut him off by this sudden execution, which if it were so, on him was fulfilled the threatening, mentioned Prov. xxix, 1. "he that, being often reproved, hardeneth his neck, shall suddenly be destroyed, and that without remedy." But the assailants in this hostile action, being led on by an Englishman, that lived within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, it was like to provoke D'Aulney the more against them, of which he found occasion afterward to put them in mind |