Minerva for the patronage of the city of Athens: to which the one had offered the olive, that elegant type of a good govern

ment

"The rich olive, underneath whose shade "The green herb greener grows;"

-the symbol of peace. While the gift of the other was the horse the instrument of war. Seeming thus darkly to shadow out the truth, that agriculture is essentially pacific, while commerce (though commerce is not as it was then, mingled with piracy) has yet, when pursued with too much avidity, always a tendency to endanger the harmony of nations. Whether this is what was meant, or whether, as has been ingeniously supposed, it was an allusion to some attempt on the part of its first rulers, to divert the attention of the people from the navigation of their narrow sea, to the cultivation of the earth-it would, in either event, furnish an instructive lesson. All such attempts must for ever be made in vain.

An attempt on the part of congress to change essentially the dispositions of the mass of the people, "whose home is on the ocean," would be futile, ungenerous, and unjust. At the same time, Mr. W. said, he would not pursue or force navigation by measures which would hazard, in a considerable degree, the safety, interests, and general welfare of the great body of the community.

MR. CLAY (speaker) said, that in one sentiment expressed by the gentleman from Georgia, he most heartily concurredthat the measure contemplated by the bill, or by the proposed substitute, was the most important, as respected at least our foreign relations, that had come before congress at this session, or would probably be brought before it for some years—a measure, which, whatever fate attended it, ought to attract the attention of honourable members of this house, and to which, he hoped, before the final question on it, they would give the most mature consideration.

The importance of the question by no means depended simply on the value of the trade between this country and the colonies of Great Britain. But, considering the question as it related merely to that trade, when the fact was stated, that it consisted of six millions of dollars imports, and of course a like amount of exports, it must be admitted the question was one of deep import, compared to any which at present presented itself to the attention of congress. But, as was stated in the president's message, Mr. C. said, it was not solely important on account of the effect of the colonial system on that trade, but the fact was, that the exclusion from a participation in that navigation, essentially affected the trade between this country and the British European possessions, and, by the operation of the system, deprived us, in a great measure, of the benefits of the convention

of commerce with Great Britain, which provided for the establishment of a perfect reciprocity of commerce between the United States and the British European possessions. Even if gentlemen were not disposed to do something to obtain for the navigation of this country a participation in the colonial trade, they ought to go so far as to place them on an equal footing as regarded the European trade. Some measure ought to be devised, by which the navigation of Great Britain should be prevented from enjoying peculiar advantages over us in a trade wherein reciprocity had been solemnly promised by the convention to, which he had alluded.

Let us, then, said Mr. C. enquire into the character of the evil proposed to be remedied, and of the remedy that is offered. What is the evil? Great Britain says that the whole commerce between her colonies and the United States shall be carried on in British ships, absolutely excluding American ships from any participation in it. The most natural course of the exchange of commodities between nations, might be thus defined: that each nation should carry its own products to market; that we should carry of our produce what we do not want, but they do, to British ports; and that they should bring what they do not want, but we do, to our ports. With this course, however, Great Britain was not satisfied. The next and perhaps the most equal and best mode of providing for the free and fair interchange of commodities, was, to open the trade equally and reciprocally to both parties, to let each carry the commodities of both countries, in a fair competition. Great Britain was not, however, disposed to do this. She not only prohibited the carriage of her colonial commodities in our vessels; not only entirely engrossed the export trade from her colonies, but refused to allow us any participation, by conventional regulation or otherwise, in the trade to the colonies. The effect was, to deprive us of the advantages in the augmentation of our commerce and increase of our seamen, which would result from the carriage of our own produce, to the amount of six millions of dollars annually.

With regard to the importance of encouraging our navigation, he said, he need not resort to argument. The question of the importance of a navy to maintain and defend our rights which had been some years ago a question of a theoretical nature, was no longer so: it was now a question of practical experience. All felt its importance, and all acknowledged the expediency of cherishing, by all means in our power, that important branch of national defence.

Gentlemen alarmed themselves, Mr. C. said, by the apprehension that the other party would view as inimical any regulations countervailing her colonial policy, and that the issue of this conflict of commercial regulations would be war. Mr. C. said he believed in no such result. If an exclusion of the navi.

gation and shipping of Great Britain from our ports be a measure of a hostile character, said Mr. C., Great Britain has set us the example; for she excludes our navigation and shipping from an extensive range of her ports. Mr. C. considered this rather as a diplomatic than a hostile measure; but, if it were otherwise, she had set the example, which she could not complain if we followed.

But, said he, let us look to the fact. What would be the light in which Great Britain would view any such regulations as are proposed by the bill? The Convention of London contains an express stipulation on the subject; and I will observe to gentlemen, that the clause which exempts the colonial trade from the second article of the convention, was introduced with the express view of retaining in our hands the right to countervail the British regulations in this respect. It was so understood by the framers of that convention. But, said Mr. C., we have later evidence than that which is furnished by the terms of the convention. The president, in his message at the opening of the session, says, that it is ascertained that the British government "declines all negociation on this subject; with a disavowal, "however, of any disposition to view in an unfriendly light "whatever countervailing regulations the United States may oppose to the regulations of which they complain." Thus, then, we have evidence both from the nature of the case and from the express declarations of the British government, that it will not, because it cannot, view in an unfriendly light any regulations which this government may find it expedient to adopt, to countervail their policy. Mr. C. said he did not think that the adoption of this policy on the part of Great Britain ought to excite any hostile feeling towards her. She was not singular in this respect. Every country that has colonies in the West Indies, and which is not too weak to defend them, endeavoured, he said, to appropriate to itself all the advantages of the trade with those colonies: and it would be found that the relaxation of the rigour of that system by one nation or another, was precisely graduated by the degree of ability to maintain their colonies in peace and defend them in war. There was nothing in the regulations of Great Britain which could be offensive, or possibly lead to war. They might be complained of as selfish or unfriendly-they certainly were the former. But Great Britain had a perfect right to set the example before us; and the question was, whether the total exclusion of our ships from the colonial ports of Britain, was such a measure as we ought to fold our arms and submit to, without an effort to obtain some part of the trade which she had attempted to appropriate exclusively to herself?

Gentlemen had properly said, that this was a question which ought to be well weighed before decided. Whatever we do, said

Mr. C., it ought to be with a determination to adhere firmly to it. For, depend upon it, Great Britain will never lightly relax her policy.

The policy of Great Britain was deeply laid in selfish considerations a policy which she had never relaxed, except in periods of war when it became her interest to do so, from the commencement of her colonies to this time. The measure which we address to her interest, to induce her to relax from the rigour of her colonial policy, should be a measure framed with ample deliberation, which, when we adopt with resolution, we will maintain with fortitude. For, the first conclusion of the British government would undoubtedly be, that the American government would be incapable of maintaining its regulations for any length of time; and that government, in the expectation of a retraction of the measure, would persevere in its policy as long as it could.

The question which presents itself, then, is, whether we will adopt measures to induce a relaxation so desirable to our in

terest.

What ought to be done, if any thing is? There were two propositions before the house, and the question now was on substituting high duties for the prohibitory system. Mr. C. said that he preferred the prohibition: and if any gentleman would candidly compare the merits of the two proposed remedies, he would find that the whole value of the remedy by the imposition of duties was derived from its approximation to prohibition.

Suppose the measure of prohibition be adopted, what would be its effect? In the opinion of Mr. Clay, a mere change in the direction of the trade. St. Domingo would be open to us, St. Thomas, Vera Cruz, and possibly St. Bartholomews, and other islands and ports. But, if not one port should be open, the necessity Great Britain would be under to obtain supplies for her colonies, would dictate the expediency of opening some port at which an interchange of commodities could take place. If this operation took place, all that is proposed to be effected by the bill is accomplished, by the participation of our navigation in the transportation of the articles thus exchanged. Our ships will have obtained an employment, in carrying our products to that entrepot, and bringing return cargoes, of the same amount they would have now, if American instead of British ships wholly engrossed the trade. There might, in the case supposed, be some little increase in the cost of the articles, but so inconsiderable as not to amount to any offset to the great advantages accruing to this country from the employment of its tonnage.

The present moment, Mr. C. considered as particularly propitious to the adoption of this regulation; because, as regarded the great direct trade between the United States and British ports in Europe, that was regulated and unalterable for near

three years. It stood on the footing of convention; and we should not, by any regulation adopted in regard to the colonial trade, put to hazard the advantages in the other, at least until that convention expired.

Regarding this regulation in another view, he anticipated beneficial effects from it. In consequence of the weakness of some of the powers of Europe in their maritime force, they had found it convenient to open ports to us, which were formerly shut, and we could thence draw our supplies, thus effecting a mere change in the channel of supply, with the advantage of the employment of our own navigation, as already stated. South America, besides, would be open to us, and we could there obtain a large portion of the commodities we import from the West Indies, except perhaps the article of rum. Whether that could be obtained there or not, he did not know. Sugar might be obtained in quantity from Louisiana, where the product of that article increased every year. Georgia, and a portion of South Carolina too, had turned their attention to that object; and the effect of this measure would be to encourage the cultivation of that article. With respect to the article of spirits, if its importation were totally cut off, he thought it would be a benefit. He believed, he said, that America was the only country that imported as great a quantity of spirituous liquors; every other country he was acquainted with used more of its own manufacture.

I think, said Mr. C., that the suffering of the navigating interest to which the attention of congress is attracted, is one which calls loudly on this body to do something to alleviate it. It is attributable greatly to the colonial system of Great Britain, though no doubt also greatly to the state of peace, and the consequent resumption of their navigation by the powers of Europe who during war suspended a great proportion of it. Taking care of the interests of the nation, and guarding our commerce against the effect of foreign regulations, it becomes us to act on this subject. He should, he said, cheerfully give his assent, therefore, to the bill before the house; and should vote for it, but with reluctance, if the amendment proposed by Mr. Forsyth should succeed.

The great question was the modus operandi of this bill, to use a favourite expression of a member of another body. Operating on the sympathy as well as the direct interest of the parent country, it would induce her to relax her system. Great Britain would find a greater interest in securing the amount of six millions of trade, necessary to support and cherish her colonies, than she would gain merely on the transportation of the articles of which that trade consists. That was the question on which the British people would be called on to decide; and he believed the effect of this measure would be such as to induce them to decide in favour of admitting us on a footing of reciVOL. II.