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3 was merely consentual. Next to Santiago, but at a long remove, comes the province at the other end of the island, Pinar del Rio, where about 1 union in 5 was by consent only. Among colored, the province having the fewest merely consentual unions, Puerto Principe, had about 1 in 3, or rather more of such unions than the province of Santiago had among whites. Next to Puerto Principe at a long interval comes Pinar del Rio, where there were 2 unions by consent among colored for each lawful marriage. Matanzas stands out conspicuously in the column for colored, with nearly 8 consentual unions for 1 legal marriage, a proportion about thrice as great as in any other province. It is noteworthy that the provinces in which this form of married life was least common among colored, Puerto Principe and Pinar del Rio, are those in which the colored formed the smallest proportion of the population, and the province in which consentual unions were most common among whites, Santiago, is the one in which the whites are but little more than half the population.
In the following table the facts are given separately for urban and rural Cuba, and as the conditions in Habana city are often widely different from the average conditions in other Cuban cities, urban Cuba has been subdivided into Habana and the remaining 13 cities separately reported:
This table shows that among both races consentual unions were most common in the rural districts, but that for the white race the minimum of such unions was found in Habana city, while for the colored race the minimum was in the other 13 cities, and that the proportion of consentual unions among colored, both in the rural districts and in Habana, is double the average for the other cities. It will be of interest to see whether the same relation holds when both consentual unions and lawful marriages are compared with the population. This comparison is made in the following table:
From the preceding table the following percentages are computed:
This table confirms the preceding in showing that for both races consentual unions were most common in the rural districts. An apparent difference of result between the two methods is that the former indicated that among whites consentual unions were least common in Habana city while this table fixes the minimum of sucb unions in the 13 other cities. The two may be reconciled by noticing that the proportion of married to population among whites in Habana was decidedly greater than in the other cities. Hence when the consentual unions are compared with the numewous legal marriages as in the first table, they appear fewer than they do when compared with the population. These secondary cities had the smallest proportion of consentual unions for each race, but by an interesting anomaly they had the largest proportion of married among the colored. It may be that the social standards or economic situation of the colored in these cities is somewhat higher than elsewhere, or it may be that the cities lie mainly in the center of the island and reflect the average conditions in their immediate vicinity. The last possibility may be tested by the following table:
The following table shows the same facts in the form of percentages:
Per cent urban population.
Guanabacoa, Regla, and Habana city..
22.6 21.4 19.9 22. 4
15.4 15.2 12.5 5.0
In the following table are shown the facts for the rural population:
This table incidentally reveals the proportion of white and of colored in the urban and rural districts of Cuba. The results may be stated as follows:
The whites were most numerous in Habana city, the colored in the 13 other cities of Cuba. In the following table the proportion of each race is given for the urban and rural districts of each province:
In every province of Cuba except Matanzas the whites were most largely represented in the rural districts and the colored in the urban districts. The preeminence of Habana city in its proportion of whites,
when compared with the other cities or the rural districts as a whole, disappears when it is compared with the urban districts of Habana, Pinar del Rio, or Puerto Principe provinces. It is probable that the migration of colored from rural districts to cities in quest of employment has exercised greater influence even in Habana upon the distribution of population than the migration of whites from abroad.
Returning to an examination of the tables (pp. 139, f) with reference to the question they were immediately designed to answer, it appears that among the colored in the four eastern provinces marriage was more common in the cities than in the country, and that in Matanzas the difference was at its maximum. But in the two western provinces marriage was more common among the rural population. Among the whites the proportion of married was greater in cities except in Habana province, where it was the same for city and country, and in Santa Clara.
Classification by birthplace. The classification by birthplace, and therefore the following analysis of the tables, is confined to the whites. It may be conjectured that white immigrants coming to Cuba unmarried and intending not to remain for life would form unions without the sanction of the law. This is the general experience where a large number of male immigrants enter a country in which the marriage law is rigid while at the same time social opinion in certain quarters tolerates a consentual marriage. Whether such a conjecture is in accord with the facts in Cuba will appear from the following analysis.
The table below gives the facts for the two classes of whites:
This seems to negative the conjecture under examination. But such an hypothesis could hardly apply to women, and therefore the sex distinction should be introduced as is done in the following table:
With both sexes the proportion of persons living together by mutual consent is greater among the native white than it is among the foreign white. But the immigrants are almost uniformly adults, and are probably decidedly older than the native whites over 15. Hence
an examination by age periods is needed. As the foreign born white women are so few the examination by age periods may be confined to males.
Per cent of males living in consentual unions.
At every age the proportion of white men of foreign birth living in consentual unions was less than the proportion of native white men. The following table shows whether this is true throughout the several provinces.
This table shows that the figures heretofore reached are the net result for the island of conditions widely different in the different provinces. Habana city and the two provinces at the ends of Cuba agree in having a proportion of consentual unions among the native white men larger than among the foreign-born white men. In the other four divisions the opposite was true. Among females, on the contrary, consentual unions were less common with the foreign born than with the native white not merely in Cuba as a whole but in every province except Habana. The lower proportion of consentual unions is closely connected with the higher proportion of married already noted (p. 131) among foreign-born white women.
THE WIDOWED. It might be anticipated that the very high death rate of Cuba during the last few years, to which attention is called in the discussion of the vital statistics of the past ten years, would leave its traces in an excessive number of widows and widowers. The facts for all Cuba in comparison with those for Porto Rico and the United States are given in the following table:
Population Widows and
15 +. widowers
995, 761 85,167