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any one to adopt thefe fentiments, he may alfo equitably banifh them the fociety; not, indeed, as impious, but as unfociable, as incapable of having a fincere regard to justice, and of facrificing his life, if required, to his duty. Again, should any one after having made a public profeffion of fuch fentiments, betray his disbelief of them by his misconduct, he may equitably be punished with death; having committed the greatest of all crimes, in violating the laws by his falf

hood.

"The tenets of political religion fhould be few and fimple they fhould be laid down also with precifion, without explication or comment. The existence of a powerful, intelligent, beneficent, prefcient, and provident Deity, a Future State, the Reward of the Virtuous, and the Punishment of the Wicked, the facred nature of the focial Compact, and of the Laws; thefe fhould be the pofitive tenets. As to thofe of a negative kind, Ifhould confine myself solely to one, that of Intoleration.

"Those who affect a distinction between civil and religious Toleration, are, in my opinion, miftaken. It is impoffible to live cordially at peace with perfons whom we believe devoted to damnation: to love them would be to hate the Deity for punishing them; it is abfolutely neceffary for us either to convert or perfecute them. Wherever religious Intoleration fubfifts, it is impoffible it should not have some effect on the civil police; in which cafe the Sovereign is no longer Sovereign, even in a fecular view: the Priests become the real Masters, and Kings only their Officers.

In modern Governments, where it is impoffible to fupport an exclufive national religion, it is requifite to tolerate all fuch as tolerate others, provided their tenets are not contrary to the duty of a good citizen. But whoever fhall dare to fay, there is no falvation out of the pale of our church, ought to be banished the State: unlefs, indeed, the State be an ecclefiaftical one, and the Sovereign a Pontiff."

But we must here take leave of this ingenious little tract, from which we will venture to fay, an attentive Reader will deduce a more clear and precife idea of the fundamental principles of civil fociety, and the grounds of politic law, than from large volumes that have been written on this nice and perplexing fubject.

MONTHLY

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MONTHLY CATALOGUE,

For DECEMBER, 1762, Continued.

RELIGIOUS.

Art. 1. Samuel Roe's Obfervations on the great Doctrine of Tythes Confidered. 8vo. Is. Nicoll.

WE

E are furprized that a man of fome life and fpirit, as the Author of this little tract appears to be, could throw away fo much time and paper upon fuch an inconfiderable object; for he himself deems the work of his Opponent to be only the over-flowing of an heated imagination, or the effect of an irregular and difordered brain: manifelting itself in flanderous reports, repro- chful falfehoods, and ecclefi aflical Billing fgate:-all to blacken and mifreprefent the Quakers. In defence of this fect, and alfo to give a mortal stab to the churchdoctrine of Tithes, and even, if poffible, to overthrow the Church itfelf, our Author ftands forth;-and, (though fighting be a very unquakerly principle) many a fmart ftroke has he aimed at the establifhed Clergy in general, as well as at poor Mr. Roe in particular, whom he unmercifully bruifes and batters from head to foot: here a flap in the chaps, there a black eye, now a punch in the ftomach, and then a kick on the breech. Nor is he too, any more than the Parfon, wanting in reproachful language, as fcurrilous even as the ecclefiaftieal Billingfgate, which he fo jully condemns in his reverend Antagonift; blind Prieft, low-lived and groveling Divine, being fome of the fofteft names by which he vouchfafes to diftinguith him. brings to mind a late altercation, which the Writer of the prefent article overheard, between two ragged Bailiff's Followers, as they fat wrangling on a bench under his window, in one of the Inns of Court. As the warm dialogue grew rich, one of the enraged Blackguards ftarting from his feat, and cafting a fide-glance of ineffable difdain at the other, vehemently exclaimed, "See what a man gets by keeping fuch dad low-life company!"

POLITICA L.

This

Art. 2. An Epifle to his Excellency the Duke d' Nivernois. In which a new Light is caft upon fome Tranfactions of the highest Importance to the Honour of Great Britain as well as to that of France. To which is added, an humble Addrefs to the greatest Affembly in England. By (unfafhionable as the Term may appear) a real Lover of his Country. 4to. Wilfon and Fell.

Is. 6d.

This real Lover of his country is evidently fome young Politician, whofe wit by far outftrips his judgment. It had not been amifs, however, had he taken time to learn the name of the refpectable

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perfonage

perfonage whom he hath here addreffed. How far his Excellency may edify by this crude performance, if he fhould condefcend to read it, we do not pretend to fay; but, for our own part, we must confefs ourselves as much in the dark as before, with regard to any of thofe important tranfactions, on which this Writer pretends to throw a new light. He makes one obfervation, nevertheless, of the truth of which his Epiftle is an eminent proof, viz. that " in England we take unaccountable liberties, and have a strange method of fpeaking about men and measures."

As to the humble Addrefs annexed, it is nothing more than a pert and flippant repetition of fome trite and captious objections to the preliminaries of peace.

Art. 3. A Letter from a Member of Parliament in Town, to his Friend in the Country, upon the three great Objects of prefent Attention, Peace, Parties, and Refignations. 8vo. I S.

Burnet.

Moderately, and not altogether injudicioufly, inveftigates the Preliminaries; which, upon the whole, the Author approves : tho' he thinks, that the limits of Canada fhould be more clearly and accurately afcertained in the definitive Treaty. He alfo takes notice of "a very material omiffion in thefe articles, which is, not mentioning that great and extenfive country Labrador, which reaches from the N. E. of the Gulph of St. Lawrence as far as Hudson's Bay ; as we may doubtlefs fuppofe the French will avail themflves of this great tract of land, as yet uninhabited by Europeans, to form a fettlement upon the Atlantic Ocean.-If, therefore, we would prevent the French re-establishing their empire in North-America, it will be neceflary to ftipulate, in the frongest and most exprefs terms, that they fhall not fettle upon, or fortify, any part of the country of Labrador."

In what this Member of Parliament (for St. Kilda, perhaps, or the Bafs in the Firth of Forth) has faid in relation to the State of Parties among us, at this critical juncture, and concerning the late refignations, he more openly fhews himself an Advocate for the Miniftry; he fneers at the Gentlemen supposed to have taken the lead in the new oppofition; works Mr. Pitt's patriotifm and gout; and concludes with fome compliments to the Earl of Bute.

Art. 4. The comparative Importance of our Acquifitions from France in America. With Remarks on a Pamphlet entitled, An Examination of the commercial Principles of the late. Negociation in 1761. 8vo. 1s. Hinxman.

"This pamphlet was writ before the preliminary articles of peace were figned, which have fince been ratified, and communicated to Parliament. They are conformable to the main fcope of the Author's argument, although in fome very important particulars they exceed his moft fanguine hopes; and he is happy in finding, that his

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which we met with in turning to the Life of Lord Bacon, in the Biographia Britannica. Public Hiftories," fays the judicious Writer of that article, may contain mifinformations, fecret Hiftories are frequently full of wilful mistakes, "but facts from private Letters can never mislead us." And certain it is, that many of the particulars touched in the volume before us, may ferve to caft additional and true light on the hiftory of the times and perfons to which they relate.

FOREIGN ARTICLE.

Du Contract Social; ou principes du Droit Politique. Par J. 7. Rouffeau. 12mo. 12mo. Amsterdam, chez Rey.

Or, A Treatise on the Social Compact; or the principles of Politic Law; concluded. See Page 449.

T

N his third book, Mr. Rouffeau enters on the fubject of Politic Law, and the Adminiftration of Government; beginning with an accurate explanation of the nature of Government in general, and proceeding to confider it under its feveral particular forms. In this part of the work, our Author appears to great advantage; inveftigating the fundamental principles of civil Polity, with equal folidity of judgment, and acuteness of penetration. He examines what species of Government is moft proper for particular people and countries; specifies the indications of a good adminiftration, together with the abufes of it; and the decay and diffolution of the body politic.

He confiders particularly the various meafures by which the fovereign authority may be fupported; and the means of preventing the ufurpations of Government. Our Readers will find fomething ftriking, if not altogether new, in his ftrictures on Reprefentatives. "When the fervice of the public, fays he, ceafes to be the principal concern of the Citizens, and they chufe rather to ferve the community by their purfe than with their perfons, the State is already verging on its ruin. Instead of marching out to fight, they hire Soldiers, and ftay themselves at home; inftead of going to meet each other in confultation concerning the public weal, they chufe Deputies in their ftead, and trouble their heads no more about the matter. Thus, in confequence of their indolence and

wealth,

wealth, they have Soldiers to ferve their country, and Reprefentatives to fell it.

"It is the buftle of Commerce and the Arts, the thirst of Gain, Effeminacy, and the love of Indolence, that have converted perfonal fervice into that of money. A part of our profits is readily given up to augment our eafe. Give to Government your money, and you will foon be furnished with chains. The word Finance is a flavish term, and unknown in a true city. In a State really free, the Citizens act with their hands, and not with their purfes. So far from paying to be exempted from doing their duty, they will rather pay to be permitted to do it themselves.

"Indifference for the welfare of one's country, the force of private intereft, the extenfivenefs of States, and their conquefts, gave rife to the method of reprefenting a whole people in the public affemblies of the nation, by a certain number of Deputies.But, for the fame reafon that the fovereignty cannot be alienated from the people, it cannot be reprefented: it confifts effentially in the general will and confent of the whole, and this cannot be reprefented by any partial number of Deputies; who are not truly the Reprefentatives of the people, but Commiffaries, that can come to no definitive conclufion. Thofe laws which the whole body of the people do not perfonally ratify, are invalid; they are, in fact, no laws. The English think themfelves a free nation; but they are greatly mistaken; they are fuch only during the election of Members of Parliament. When thefe are chofen, the Electors become flaves again, and of no confequence. Indeed, the use they make of that tranfitory interval of liberty, fhews how much they deferve to lofe it."

In the fourth and laft part of this tract, the Author continues his confiderations on the means of confirming the conftitution of a State; illuftrating the arguments he advances. by examples from the practice of the Romans; and clofing his fubject with fome obfervations on Religion, confidered merely in a political point of view. A fhort abstract of this chapter may be not disagreeable to our Readers. ·

"In the first ages of the world, men had no other Kings than their Gods, nor any other Government than what was purely Theocratical. It required a long time for them to be able to look on a fellow-creature as their Mafter.

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