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or unsworn was all one to an honest man; and that I ever set my service first, and myself second; and wished to God, that he would do the like.

" Then he said, it were good to clap a cap. utlegatum upon my back! To which I only faid, he could not; and that he was at a fault; for he hunted upon an old scent.

“ He gave me a number of disgraceful words besides; which I answered with filence, and shewing, that I was not moved with them.”

Coke was certainly an over-bearing, arbitrary man, and Bacon had greatly the advantage of him in address, tho' not in abilities as a Lawyer ; for, in that respect, no man of the profession, in those times, was his superior. Bacon seems to have studied the arts of rising more than his Rival would condefcend to do; for Coke rather chose to be obliged only to his own merit, for his advancement.

It may also, perhaps, gratify the curiosity of many of our Readers, to learn in what manner Bacon thought and spoke to the King, James I. concerning the great Cecil, after the death of thatable and most accomplished Statesman.

" Your Majesty hath lost a great subject, and a great fervant. But, if I thould praise him in propriety, I Mould fay, that he was a fit man to keep things from growing worse; but fit man to reduce things to be much bet

For he loved to have the eyes of all Ifrael a little too nduch on himself, and to have all business still under the hammer; and, like clay in the hands of the Potter, to mould it as he thought good; so that he was more in operatione than in opere. And though he had fine passages of action, yet the réal conclusions came slowly on.”

But he is more feverely reflected on in a fubsequent Letter, concerning the disorder into which the King's finances had been thrown by mismanagement.

“ *** Laftly, I will make two prayers unto your Majesty, as I used to do to God Almighty, when I commend to him his own glory and cause; so I will pray to your Majesty for yourself.

" The one is, that these cogitations of want do not any ways trouble or vex your mind. I remember, Mofes faith of the land of promise, that it was not like the land of Egypt, that was watered with a river, but was watered with showers

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from heaven; whereby I gather, God preferreth sometimes uncertainties before certainties, because they teach a more immediate dependance upon his Providence. Sure I am, wil vovi accidit vobis. It is no new thing for the greatest Kings to be in debt: and, if a man fhall parvis componere magna, I have seen an Earl of Leicester, a Chancellor Hatton, an Earl of Essex, and an Earl of Salisbury in debt; and yet was it no manner of diminution to their power or greatness.

My second prayer is, that your Majesty, in respect of the hasty freeing of your State, would not dcscend to any means, or degree of means, which carrieth not a symmetry with your Majesty and greatness. He is gone, froin whom those courses did wholly Row. So have your wants and necessities in particular, as it were, hanged up in two tablets before the eyes of your Lords and Connons, to be talked of for four months together : to have all your courses to help yourself in revenue or profit, put into printed books, which were wont to be held arcana imperii: to have such worms of Aldermen to lend for ten in the hundred upon good aliurance, and with such **, as if it should save the bark of your fortune: to contract still where might be had the readicit ment, and not the best bargain : to stir a number of projets, for your profit, and then to blast them, and leave your Majesly nothing but the scandal of them: to preten! ?eren carriage between your Majesty's rights and the car of the people, and to satisfy neither. There courses, and it's rs ile like, I hope, are gone with the Deviser of them; which have turned your Majesty to inestimable prejudice:

We shall conclude our brief mention of the present putin cation, by a remark on the utility of Collections of thi: .ind,

“ It will be but justice to the memory of the Erol of .. to remark, that this disadvantageous chuacter of hin b; Siri Bicon, seems to have been heightened by the prejudices of the against that able Minister, grounded upon some fulpicions, tau. Earl had not ferved him with so much zeal, as he might have expe's ed from fo near a Relation, either in Queen Elizabeth's reiga, o: of her fucceffor. Nor is it any juft imputation on his Lorushi, he began to decline in King James I's good opinion, who is jesty's ill æconomy occasioned demands on the Lord Treasures, w all his skill in the business of the finances, could not winiwer which drew from him advices and remonitrances Alill extant, i that King, not being very ready to profit by, conceived fom fentment against his old Servant, and even retained it againit h. mory."

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which we met with in turning to the Life of Lord Bacon, in the Biogrophia Britannica. “ Public Histories," says the judicious Writer of that article, “may contain misinformais tions, secret Histories are frequently full of wilful mistakes, “ but facts from private Letters can never mislead us.” And certain it is, that many of the particulars touched in the volume before us, may serve to cast additional and true light on the history of the times and persons to which they relate.

FOREIGN ARTICLE.

Du Contra£t Social ; ou principes du Droit Politique. Par 7.

J. Rouleau. 12mo. Amsterdam, chez Rey. Or, A Treatise on the Social Compact ; or the principles

of Politic Law; concluded. See Page 449: N his third book, Mr. Rousseau enters on the subject of

Politic Law, and the Administration of Government; beginning with an accurate explanation of the nature of Government in general, and proceeding to confider it under its feveral particular forms. In this part of the work, our Author appears to great advantage ; investigating the fundamental principles of civil Polity, with equal folidity of judgment, and acuteness of penetration. He examines what species of Government is most proper for particular people and countries ; specifies the indications of a good administration, together with the abuses of it; and the decay and diffolution of the body politic.

He considers particularly the various measures by which the sovercign authority may be supported; and the means of preventing the usurpations of Government. Our Readers will find something striking, if not altogether new, in his ftrictures on Representatives. “ When the service of the public, says he, ceases to be the principal concern of the Citizens, and they chule rather-to serve the community by their purse than with their persons, the State is already verging on its ruin. instead of marching out to fight, they hire Soldiers, and stay theinselves at home; instead of going to meet each other in consultation concerning the public weal, they chuse Deputies in their stead, and trouble their heads no more about the matter. Thus, in consequence of their indolence and

wealth,

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wealth, they have Soldiers to serve their country, and Representatives to fell it.

« It is the bustle of Commerce and the Arts, the thirst of Gain, Effeminacy, and the love of indolence, that have converted personal service into that of money. A part of our profits is readily given up to augment our eafe. Give to Government your money, and you will soon be furnished with chains. The word Finance is a slavith term, and unknown in a true city. In a State really free, the Citizens act with their hands, and not with their purses. So far from paying to be exempted from doing their duty, they will rather pay to be permitted to do it themselves.

“ Indifference for the welfare of one's country, the force of private intereft, the extenfiveness of States, and their con quests, gave rise to the method of representing a whole people in the public affemblies of the nation, by a certain number of Deputies. But, for the same reason that the lovereignty cannot be alienated from the people, it cannot be represented: it consists essentially in the general will and confent of the whole, and this cannot be represented by any partial number of Deputies; who are not truly the Representatives of the people, but Commissaries, that can come to no definitive conclufion. Those laws which the whole body of the people do not personally ratify, are invalid; they are, in fact, no laws. The English think themselves a free nation; but they are greatly mistaken; they are such only during the election of Members of Parliament. When there are chosen, the Electors become faves again, and of no consequence, Indeed, the use they make of that transitory interval of liberty, shews how much they deserve to lose it."

In the fourth and last part of this tract, the Author continues his considerations on the means of confirming the constitution of a State ; illustrating the arguments he advances by examples from the practice of the Romans; and closing his subject with fome observations on Religion, considered merely in a political point of view. A short abstract of this chapter may be not disagreeable to our Readers.

“ In the first ages of the world, men had no other Kings than their Gods, nor any other Government than what was purely Thcocratical. It required a long time for them to be able to look on a fellow-creature as their Mafter.

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“ Hence, a Deity being constantly placed at the head of every polical society, it followed, that there were as many different Gods as people. Two different communities, strangers to each other, and almost always at variance, could not long acknowlege the same Master; nor could two armies drawn up against each other in battle, obey the same Chief. Thus Polytheim became a natural consequence of the division of nations, and thence the want of civil and theological toleration in any:

“ If it be asked, why there were no wars on the score of Reli ion among the Pagans, when every State had thus its peculiar Dcity and worship? I answer, it was for this very reafon, that each State having its own peculiar Religion as well as Government, no distinction was made between the obedience due to their Gods and that due to their laws. Their poli'ical were thus theological wars; and the departments of their Duities, were prescribed by the limits of their respective nation. The God of one people had no right or authority over another people; nor were these pagan Deities at all ambitious of exclusive empire ; partaking, without jealousy, in the command of the world. Even Moies himself speaks fometimes in this manner of the God of Israel. It is true, the Hcbrews defpified the Gous of the Canaanites, a people pro, fcribed and devoted to destruction, and whofe poffeffions were given them for an inheritance; but they speak reverently of the Deities of the neighbouring nations whom they were forbidden to attack. Wilt not thou polless that, says Jeptha to Sihon, King of the Ammonites, which Chemojn thy God giveth thee to polics? So whom.oczter the Lord our God fhall drive out from before us, them will we pollefs. There is in this passage, I think, an acknowleged fimilitude between the rights of Chcmosh, and those of the God of Israel.

“ But when the Jews, being subjected to the Kings of Babylon, and afterwards to those of Syria, perfifted in refufing to acknowle cany God but their own, this refusal was elteened an act of rebellion against their Conqueror, and diew upon them those persecutions which we read of in their history, and of which no other example is afforded us till the estab! tha:ent of Christianity.

“ The religion of a people being thus exclusively attached to the laws of the State, the only method of converting other nations, wis by subduing them; Warriors were the only Million aris; and the obligation of changing their religion

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