This is the cheap defense of nations. In such intrenchments what Christian soul can be touched with fear? Angels of the Lord will throw over the land an invisible, but impenetrable panoply:

"Or if Virtue feeble were,

Heaven itself would stoop to her."

At the thought of such a change, the imagination loses itself in vain effort to follow the multitudinous streams of happiness which gush forth from a thousand hills. Then shall the naked be clothed and the hungry fed; institutions of science and learning shall crown every hilltop; hospitals for the sick, and other retreats for the unfortunate children of the world, for all who suffer in any way, in mind, body, or estate, shall nestle in every valley; while the spires of new churches leap exulting to the skies. The whole land shall testify to the change. Art shall confess it in the new inspiration of the canvas and the marble. The harp of the poet shall proclaim it in a loftier rhyme. Above all, the heart of man shall bear witness to it, in the elevation of his sentiments, in the expansion of his affections, in his devotion to the highest truth, in his appreciation of true greatness. The eagle of our country without the terror of his beak, and dropping the forceful thunderbolt from his pounces, shall soar, with the olive of Peace, into untried realms of ether, nearer to the sun.

HENRY CLAY

1777-1852

VIRGINIAN-BORN, a penniless orphan, with meager schooling, young CLAY entered an eminent Richmond law office as clerk, and became a lawyer. He settled in Lexington, Kentucky, at the age of twenty-one. Rather superficial than thorough, his alert intelligence, manifest sincerity, and charm of language, voice, and manner gave him rapid success. In 1803 he was sent to the State legislature, and in 1806, at the age of twentynine, to the United States Senate.

He went again to the State legislature, being Speaker of its House; was Congressman from Kentucky, and Speaker of the House of Representatives for ten years; Senator in varying terms for thirteen years; Peace Commissioner with England after the War of 1812; Secretary of State eight years; and thrice Whig candidate for the presidency. He was perhaps the most popular and widely beloved American of any time.

A very significant part of his life was in the House of Representatives, where he advocated tariff protection for "infant industries," and where his career as Speaker was exceptionally brilliant. He promoted the War of 1812. In 1820 in the Senate he quieted the discussion of slavery in the new Territories by the famous Missouri Compromise. With WEBSTER he often opposed President JACKSON, but, when South Carolina threatened nullification or secession, he devised the Compromise tariff of 1833, postponing the dreaded issue. In 1846, following Texas annexation and the Mexican War, violent agitation arose over the question of slavery or free labor in the territory acquired from Mexico. CLAY was always opposed to slavery, but loved the Union, and in 1850, he offered a Compromise bill, admitting California with its adopted constitution as a free State, and abolishing the slave trade in the District of Columbia, but enacting a stringent fugitive slave law. Portions of CLAY'S speech on it (May 13, 1850) are here given. The propositions were enacted separately, and once more "the great pacificator” had postponed the inevitable crisis. CLAY died in 1852, a year marked also by the decease of his great compeer, WEBSTER.

THE COMPROMISE MEASURES

I HAVE risen, Mr. President, for the purpose of making some further explanation, and an additional exposition to that contained in the report of the Committee of Thirteen,' which has recently been in consultation upon the important subjects referred to them. When the report of the Committee was presented to the Senate last week, various members of the Committee rose in their places, and stated that certain parts of the report did not meet with their concurrence. It might have been stated with perfect truth that no one member of the Committee concurred in all that was done by the Committee. There was a majority upon most, and even upon all the subjects reported by them; and each member, perhaps, if left to himself separately, would have presented the various matters which were reported to the Senate in a form somewhat different from that in which they were presented in the report.

I have believed from the first, and I yet firmly believe, that if these unhappy subjects which have

1

Appointed to consider the proposed measures, Mr. Clay being chairman.

divided the country shall be accommodated by an amicable adjustment, it must be done upon some such basis as that which the Committee has reported. And can there be a doubt on this subject? The crisis of the crisis, I repeat, has arrived, and the fate of the measures which have been reported by the Committee, in my humble judgment, determines the fate of the harmony or distraction of this country.

The first measure upon which they reported was that of the true exposition of the compact between the United States and Texas, upon the occasion of the admission of that State into the Union. Upon that subject, as already announced in the report, I am happy to say, there was an undivided

opinion.

But I will not dwell longer upon that part of the subject. I will now approach that which, in the Committee, and perhaps in the two Houses, has given the most trouble and created the most anxiety, amongst all the measures upon which the Committee have reported - I mean the admission of California into the Union. Against that measure there were ́various objections.

[After disposing of objections involving the population and the boundaries of California, Mr. Clay proceeded.]

It is mentioned in the report that there are other cases of States which have been admitted without