I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choices it is in your power to make. And may that infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe, lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity. VIRGINIA certainly furnished her full share of masterful men as leaders of opinion and activity in the early days of the republic. JOHN RANDOLPH of Roanoke was one of them. Of an aristocratic family, and a slave-owner, he was imbued, nevertheless, with earnest ideas as to individual liberty, both civil and religious, was not a political partisan of slavery, and freed his slaves by will at his death, while throughout his political career he was usually in violent opposition to the general government along the lines of State rights. He went to Congress in 1799 and in 1801 became chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, an important post. He was keen of perception, and, if not highly cultivated, was widely read, so that, with a native fluency of language and a keen wit, his legislative experience made him a strong debater, too strong, indeed, for his causes or his own interest, since a rash and fiery temper and a lack of consideration for others kept him usually in a turmoil of misunderstandings. -- Perhaps the most important of his deliverances was the speech in Congress, March 5, 1806, opposing a commercial rupture with Great Britain then proposed, a portion of which is here reproduced. It cost him his place in Congress, although he was again returned in 1815. He went abroad in 1821 for relaxation, returned for a two years' term as United States Senator, and in 1830 was sent as Minister to Russia. reëlection he returned to Congress, but died in 1833. On a RANDOLPH was trusted by Virginia, and was valuable in Washington, yet his bitter temper deprived both him and his country of much of the influence of his better qualities. OPPOSING A RUPTURE WITH ENGLAND I AM not surprised to hear this resolution1 discussed by its friends as a war measure. They say, it is true, that it is not a war measure; but they defend it on principles which would justify none but war measures, and seem pleased with the idea that it may prove the forerunner of war. If war is necessary, if we have reached this point, let us have war. But while I have life, I will never consent to these incipient war measures, which in their commencement breathe nothing but peace, though they plunge us at last into war. It has always appeared to me that there are three points to be considered, and maturely considered, before we can be prepared to vote for the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania: first, Our ability to contend with Great Britain for the question 1 That until equitable and satisfactory arrangements concerning impressment of seamen and seizures of American vessels should be made between the United States and British governments, it was expedient that no goods, wares or merchandise, of the growth, product or manufacture of Great Britain, or any of the colonies or dependencies thereof, ought to be imported into the United States, until otherwise proclaimed by the President. in dispute; secondly, The policy of such a contest; and thirdly, In case both these shall be settled affirmatively, the manner in which we can, with the greatest effect, react upon and annoy our adversary. What is the question in dispute? The carrying trade. What part of it? The fair, the honest, and the useful trade that is engaged in carrying our own productions to foreign markets, and bringing back their productions in exchange? No, Sir; it is that carrying trade which covers enemy's property, and carries the coffee, the sugar, and other West India products, to the mother-country. No, Sir; if this great agricultural nation is to be governed by Salem and Boston, New York and Philadelphia, and Baltimore and Norfolk and Charleston, let gentlemen come out and say so; and let a committee of public safety be appointed from those towns to carry on the government. I, for one, will not mortgage my property and my liberty to carry on this trade. The nation said so seven years ago; I said It is not for the honest so then, and I say so now. carrying trade of America, but for this mushroom, this fungus of war, for a trade which, as soon as the nations of Europe are at peace, will no longer exist; it is for this that the spirit of avaricious traffic would plunge us into war. But we are asked, are we willing to bend the neck to England; to submit to her outrages? No, Sir; |