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Every one can see how adapted is this whole narration to the design of John in writing this sacred book. For, since he was wishing, from the very discourses of Jesus, to show who he was, what character he bore, and what ought to be expected from him, and thus to demonstrate that he was the Son of God in truth, and the so much wished for Messiah, nothing could more evidently show this, than those discourses in which he had furnished the clearest evidences of his divine excellence, and had directly professed himself to be the only author of human happiness, the Saviour of the whole world, the Messiah.

ARTICLE III.

LIFE OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.

Leben Constantins des Grossen, nebst einigen Abhandlungen geschichtlichen Inhalts von J. C. F. MANSO. Breslau. 1817.

Life of Constantine the Great, with several Historical Disquisitions. By J. C. F. MANSO. 8vo. pp. 470.

Breslau. 1817.

MANSO belongs to that class of historians, who have distinguished themselves in Germany since the beginning of the present century. His earlier fame rested on his classical and antiquarian researches. He was born in 1759, in a small town in the Dutchy of Gotha, and died at Breslau, in 1826. Most of his public life was spent as rector of the gymnasium, in the city last named. He early manifested a taste for poetry and history, of which the latter gained the ascendency, and absorbed his whole attention. In 1800, he published his valuable work on Sparta, in four volumes; in 1817, the Life of Constantine; in 1819, his History of Prussia; and in 1824, his Kingdom of the Ostrogoths. All these productions possess great merit; the last two, however, are his best works. Wachler characterizes him as "thorough, candid, and tasteful."

VOL. IV.-NO. XIV.

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His style and manner give him a place among the standard writers of his nation.

It is not our design to go into an elaborate criticism of the book before us, nor merely to present to our readers the substance of it in an abridged form; but rather to adopt it as our guide, and to ingraft upon it materials drawn from a considerable variety of sources.*

Rome, after passing through a great variety of fortunes, during a period of more than a thousand years, was destined to experience, under Constantine, a change which surpassed, in importance, all which had preceded it. The "eternal city" was no longer to be the seat of empire, but a new Rome was to spring up, as by magic, on the banks of the Bosphorus; the divinities, that had been revered as the guardians of Roman greatness from the days of Romulus, were to fade away, like stars before a brighter luminary, and the cross, which had been an emblem of ignominy, was to grace the imperial ensign; the disguise of the wily Augustus was to be entirely laid aside, and the regal name with oriental pomp introduced, and finally, under Constantine's successors, the Western Empire, now the weaker branch, was to be laid waste by barbarians, while a Byzantine empire was to outride the storm for a thousand years to come.

From the time of Trajan, who, by the conquest of Dacia, brought the last accession of territory to the empire, the Roman power had been declining, and that of the barbarians on the Danube and the Rhine had been growing more and more formidable. After the death of Aurelian and Probus, whose vigorous measures had checked, for a time, the fury of the invaders, it was necessary to resort to extraordinary expedients, to save the government from dissolution. Diocletian was now called to the throne. The empire was in a lamentable state; enemies were breaking in upon it from every side; great dissensions prevailed among the people, and rival emperors were springing up in every place, where there was a popular general with any considerable army to support his claims. Under these circumstances, he thought it impossible to stand alone; he, therefore, associated with him Maximian, his

The Historiae Romanae Scriptores Decem, Schlosser, Neander, Schröekh, Rotteck, have been particularly consulted.

former companion in arms, as joint emperor. The latter was victorious in the West, and the former in the East. But new usurpers appearing in Britain, Italy, Africa, and Egypt, and new revolts on the Rhine and on the Euphrates, it was necessary to divide the defence of the vast empire among a larger number of individuals; and, as in these times, nothing was so dangerous as able military commanders, with armies devoted to their interest, the two emperors met at Milan and agreed, each to adopt a cæsar, or prince, with inferior rank, but similar power to their own. Diocletian selected as his junior assistant, Galerius; and Maximian took to his aid Constantius Chlorus, the father of Constantine the Great. This arrangement led to the division of the empire into four parts, in order that each individual might have his appropriate sphere. To Diocletian was assigned all the empire east of the Aegean sea, and to Galerius, his particular associate, Thrace and Illyria; to Maximian were given Italy and Africa, and to his associate, Constantius, what lay beyond the Alps, namely, Gaul, Britain and Spain. Though the empire was not broken up into four separate states, but continued to be one, each of the two emperors was absolute, and the two casars nearly so, in his own territory. It will not appear strange, that such an arrangement, however necessary in a time of imminent danger, should, in the end, lead to jealousy and much bloodshed. But for the time being, the expedient was successful; each sovereign was victorious in his own dominions. At length they all met at Rome and held a magnificent triumph. To the surprise of all, Diocletian, on returning to his court at Nicomedia, resigned his part in the government, and retired to a private life of husbandry, in Salona of Dalmatia. He, also, either persuaded or compelled Maximian to follow his example. We cannot stop to speculate upon the probable causes of this remarkable transaction. The two casars, who now became sole emperors, had married the daughters of their senior associates, Galerius thus becoming the son-in-law of Diocletian, and Constantius of Maximian. Constantius, not desiring extensive dominions, merely retained what was originally assigned him, and surrendered all the rest to Galerius. The latter now associated with himself two friends, Severus, who took the territories of Maximian, and Maximin, who took

those of Diocletian. Now the old order of things returned as to external appearances, though, in fact, Galerius was paving the way to absolute authority. One of his new associates was his nephew; the other was a servant devoted to his interest, while Constantius was in feeble health, and would probably soon be removed by death. Constantine, who had been kept as a kind of hostage, at the court of Galerius, and upon whose life several attempts had been made, to prevent him from becoming the successor of his father, escaped only by stratagem. Such was the state of affairs when the brave and virtuous Constantius died in 306, after a happy reign of fifteen years.*

Having, in these introductory remarks, given the general course of events, up to the time of Constantine's succession to the throne of his father, it will now be proper to furnish some notices of his early private life. He was born at Naissus in Moesia, Feb. 28, A. D. 274. His mother, Helena, was of obscure parentage.† From motives of state policy, Constantius married Theodora, the daughter of the emperor Maximian. Helena, therefore, was divorced, and her only child disgraced. Constantine was eighteen years old when his father, in 291, was made casar, being distinguished, according to Eutropius, both for his courage, and for his noble, athletic form. In the character of a hostage

as a security for his father's fidelity, he was retained and employed in the army of Diocletian and Galerius, until his military renown excited the fears of the latter. He had, in Egypt and Persia, so distinguished himself, as to be raised to the office of military tribune of the first rank.

When the two old emperors resigned, and the two casars were thereby elevated to the imperial dignity, it was natural to expect that Constantine would be one of the new casars to be appointed. But Galerius's ambitious plans led him to secure two individuals who would be entirely at his disposal, and to confine Constantine near his own person, in the palace at Nicomedia. It was

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with great difficulty, that Constantine's father, by repeated remonstrances, could prevail on the artful Galerius to release his son, a step now less to be dreaded than an open war with Constantius. But Constantine did not feel safe, in waiting for the time appointed for his departure. He therefore fled, without the knowledge of Galerius, and, availing himself of the imperial post horses, in passing through Thrace, Pannonia, Italy, and Gaul, causing every relay which he left, to be hamstrung, so that his pursuers could not overtake him, he reached Boulogne, in 305, just as his father was ready to embark from that place for Britain, on an expedition against the Picts. The incredulity of Gibbon, in regard to the disabling of the post horses, is not approved by later historians.

During this expedition, Constantius died at York, July 26, 306. It is a mistake, in several writers, when they represent Britain as the seat of this emperor's authority. His chief territory and residence was Gaul, although the exposure of Britain often required his presence. Christians and pagans join in bestowing on him the highest commendation. His motto was, it is better to have wealthy subjects than a full treasury.

The father, knowing that a powerful successor would be needed, had intimated his desire that Constantine should be called to the throne, in preference to the young princes of higher birth by his second marriage. The army was eager to be under his command, and, consequently, on the very day of the emperor's death, they put the purple upon Constantine, as he came out of the palace. It was in vain that he attempted to resist. Thus it was in the British island that the star of empire rose, which was destined to effect one of the greatest changes in the history of the world.

Constantine now wrote to Galerius, informing him that he was chosen successor to his father; upon which the latter was so enraged, that he threatened to burn both the letter and the messenger. But upon further consideration, it seemed to him unwise to exasperate so powerful a foe as Constantine, and, therefore, he consented to recognise him as cæsar, but not as Augustus, or emperor, although he conferred that title upon his favorite, Severus, with Italy for his dominion, and Milan for his capital.

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