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ultimate disbursement, pass twice through the hands of public officers, in whatever manner they are immediately kept. The government, it must be admitted, has been from its commencement comparatively fortunate in this respect. But the appointing power cannot always be well advised in its selections, and the experience of every country has shown that public officers are not at all times proof against temptation. It is a duty, therefore, which the government owes, as well to the interests commited to its care as to the officers themselves, to provide every guard against transgressions of this character, that is consistent with reason and humanity. Congress cannot be too jealous of the conduct of those who are intrusted with the public money, and I shall at all times be disposed to encourage a watchful discharge of this duty.

If a more direct co-operation on the part of Congress, in the supervision of the conduct of the officers intrusted with the custody and application of the public money is deemed desirable, it will give me pleasure to assist in the establishment of any judicious and constitutional plan by which that object may be accomplished. You will, in your wisdom, deiermine upon the propriety of adopting such a plan, and upon the measures necessary to its effectual execution. When the late Bank of the United States was incorporated, and made the depositary of the public moneys, a right was reserved to Congress to inspect at its pleasure, by a committee of that body, the books and the proceedings of the bank. In one of the states whose banking institutions are supposed to rank among the first in point of stability, they are subjected to constant examination, by commissioners appointed for that purpose, and much of the success of iis banking system is attributed to this watchful supervision.

The same course has also, in view of its beneficial operation, been adopted by an adjoining state, favorably known for the care it has always bestowed upon whatever relates to its financial concerns. I submit to your consideration whether a committee of Congress might not be profitably employed in inspecting, at such intervals as might be deemed proper, the affairs and accounts of officers intrusted with the custody of the public moneys. The frequent performance of this might be made obligatory on the committee in respect to those officers who have large sums in their possession, and left discretionary in respect to others. They might report to the executire such defalcations as were found to exist, with a view to a prompt removal from office unless the default was satisfactorily accounted for; and report, also, to Congress, at the commencement of each session, the result of their examina. tions and proceedings. It does appear to me that, with a subjection of this class of public officers to the general supervision of the executive, to examinations by a committee of Congress at periods of which they should have no previous notice, and to prosecution and punishment as for felony for every breach of trust, the safe-keeping of the public moneys, under the sys tem proposed, might be placed on a surer foundation than it has ever occupied since the establishment of the government.

The secretary of the treasury will lay before you additional information containing new details on this interesting subject. To these I ask your early attention. That it should have given rise to great diversity of opinion cannot be a subject of surprise. After the collection and custody of the public moneys had been for so many years connected with, and made subsi: diary to, the advancement of private interests, a return to the simple and self-denying ordinances of the constitution could not but be difficult, But

time and free discussion eliciting the sentiments of the people, and aided by that conciliatory spirit which has ever characterized their course on great emergencies, were relied upon for a satisfactory settlement of the question. Already has this anticipation, on one important point at least the impropriety of diverting public money to private purposes - been fully realized. There is no reason to suppose that legislation upon that branch of the subject would now be ernbarrassed by a difference of opinion, or fail to receive the cordial support of a large majority of our constituents.

The connection which formerly existed between the government and banks was in reality injurious to both, as well as to the general interests of the community at large. It aggravated the disasters of trade and the derangements of commercial intercourse, and administered new excitement and additional means to wild and reckless speculations, the disappointments of which threw the country into convulsions of panic, and all but produced violence and bloodshed. The imprudent expansion of bank credits, which was the natural result of the command of the revenues of the state, furnished the resources for unbounded license in every species of adventure, seduced industry from its regular and salutary occupations by the hope of abundance without labor, and deranged the social state by tempting all trades and professions into the vortex of speculation on remote contingencies.

The same wide-spreading influence impeded also the resources of the government, curtailed its useful operations, embarrassed the fulfilment of its obligations, and seriously interfered with the execution of the laws. Large appropriations and oppressive taxes are the natural consequences of such a connection, since they increase the profits of those who are allowed 10 use the public funds, and make it their interest that money should be accumulated and expenditures multiplied. It is thus that a concentrated inoney power is tempted to become an active agent in political affairs, and all past experience has shown on which side that influence will be arrayed. We deceive ourselves if we suppose that it will ever be found asserting and supporting the rights of the community at large, in opposition to the claims of the few.

In a government whose distinguishing characteristic should be a diffusion and equalization of its benefits and burdens, the advantage of individuals will be augmented at the expense of the mass of the people. Nor is it the nature of combinations for the acquisition of legislative influence to confine their interference to the single object for which they were originally formed. The temptation to extend it to other matters is, on the contrary, not unfrequently too strong to be resisted. The influence, in the direction of public affairs, of the community at large is, therefore, in no slight danger of being sensibly and injuriously affected by giving to a comparatively small, but very efficient class, a direct and exclusive personal interest in so impor. tant a portion of the legislation of Congress as that which relates to the custody of the public moneys. If laws acting upon private interests cannot always be avoided, they should be confined within the narrowest limits, and left, wherever possible, to the legislatures of the states. When not thus Testricted, they lead to combinations of powerful associations, foster an influence necessarily selfish, and turn the fair course of legislation to sinister ends, rather than to objects that advance public liberty, and promote the general good.

The whole subject now rests with you, and I cannot but express a hope that some definite measure will be adopted at the present session.

It will not, I am sure, be deemed out of place for me here to remark, that the declaration of my views in opposition to the policy of employing banks as depositaries of the government funds, cannot justly be construed as indicative of hostility, official or personal, to those institutions; or to repeat in this form, and in connection with this subject, opinions which I have uniformly entertained, and on all proper occasions expressed. Though always opposed to their creation in the form of exclusive privileges, and, as a state magistrate, aiming by appropriate legislation to secure the commonity against the consequences of their occasional mismanagement, I have yet ever wished to see them protected in the exercise of rights conferred by law, and have never doubted their utility, when properly managed, in promoting the interests of trade, and, through that channel

, the other interests of the community. To the general government they present themselves merely as state institutions, having no necessary connection with its legislation or its administration. Like other state establishments, they may be used or not in conducting the affairs of the government, as public policy and the general interests of the Union may seem to require.

The only safe or proper principle upon which their intercourse with the government can be regulated, is that which regulates their intercourse wiib the private citizens - the conferring of mutual benefits. When the government can accomplish a financial operation better with the aid of the banks than without, it should be at liberty to seek that aid as it would the services of a private banker, or other capitalists or agents, giving the preference to those who will serve it on the best terms. Nor can there ever exist an interest in the officers of the general government, as such, inducing them to embarrass or annoy the state banks, any more than 10 incut the hostility of any other class of state institutions, or of private citizens. It is not in the nature of things that hostility in those institutions can spring from this source, or any opposition to their course of business, except when they themselves depart from the objects of their creation, and attempt to usurp powers not conferred upon them, or to subvert the standard of value established by the constitution.

While opposition to their regular operations cannot exist in this quarter, resistance to any attempt to make the government dependent upon them for the successful administration of public affairs, is a matter of duty, as I trust it will ever be of inclination, no matter from what motive or consideration the attempt may originate.

It is no more than just to the banks to say, that in the late emergency, most of them firmly resisted the strongest temptations to extend their paper issues when apparently sustained in a suspension of specie payments by public opinion, even though in some cases invited by legislative enactments. To this honorable course, aided by the resistance of the general government, acting in obedience to the constitution and laws of the United States, to the introduction of an irredeemable paper medium, may be attributed, in a great degree, the speedy restoration of our currency to a sound state, and the business of the country to jis wonted prosperity.

T'he banks have but to continue in the same safe course, and be content in their appropriate sphere, to avoid all interference from the general gorernment, and to derive from it all the protection and benefits which it bestows on other state establishments, on the people of the states, and on the states themselves. In this, their true position, they cannot but secure the confidence and good-will of the people and the government, which they

can only lose when, leaping from their legitimate sphere, they attempt to control the legislation of the country, and pervert the operations of the government to their own purposes.

Our experience under the act passed at the last session, to grant preemption rights to settlers on the public lands, has as yet been too limited to enable us to pronounce with safety upon the efficacy of its provisions to carry out the wise and liberal policy of the government in that respect. There is, however, the best reason io anticipate favorable results from its operation. The recommendations formerly submitted to you, in respect to a graduation of the price of the public lands, remain to be finally acted upon. Having found no reason to change the views then expressed, your attention to them is again respectfully requested.

Every proper exertion has been made, and will be continued, to carry out the wishes of Congress in relation to the tobacco trade, as indicated in the several resolutions of the House of Representatives and the legislation of the two branches. A favorable impression has, I trust, been made in the different foreign countries to which particular attention has been directed, and although we cannot hope for an early change in their policy, as in many of them a convenient and large revenue is derived from mopopolies in the fabrication and sale of this article, yet, as these monopolies are really injurious to the people where they are established, and the revenue derived from them may be less injuriously and with equal facility obtained from another and a liberal system of administration, we cannot doubt that our efforts will be eventually crowned with success, if persisted in with temperate firmness, and sustained by prudent legislation.

In recommending to Congress the adoption of the necessary provisions at this session for taking the next census, or enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, the suggestion presents itself whether the scope of the measure might not be usefully extended, hy causing it to embrace authentic statistical returns of the great interests specially entrusted to, or necessarily affected by the legislation of Congress.

The accompanying report of the secretary of war presents a satisfactory account of the state of the army, and of the several branches of the public service confided to the superintendence of that officer.

The law increasing and organizing the military establishment of the United States has been nearly carried into effect, and the army has been extensively and usefully employed during the past season.

I would again call to your notice the subjects connected with and essential to the military defences of the country, which were submitted to you at the last session ; but which were not acted upon, as is supposed, for want of time. The most important of them is the organization of the militia on the maritime and inland frontiers. This measure is deemed important, as it is believed that it will furnish an effective volunteer force in aid of the regular army, and may form the basis for a general system of organization for the entire militia of the United States. The erection of a national foundry and gunpowder manufactory, and one for making small arms, the latter to be situated at some point west of the Allegany mountains, all appear to be of sufficient importance to be again urged upon your attention.

The plan proposed by the secretary of war for the distribution of the forces of the United States, in time of peace, is well calculated to promote regularity and economy in the fiscal administration of the service to preserve the discipline of the troops, and to render them available for the main

tenance of the peace and tranquillity of the country. With this view, likewise, I recoinmend the adoption of the plan presented by that officer for the defence of the western frontier. The preservation of the lives and property of our fellow citizens, who are settled upon that border country, as well as the existence of the Indian populaticn, which might be tempted by our want of preparation to rush on their own destruction and attack ihe white settle ments, all seem to require that this subject should be acted upon without delay, and the war department authorized to place that country in a state of complete defence against any assault from the numerous and warlike tribes which are congregated on that border.

It affords me sincere pleasure to be able to apprize you of the entire removal of the Cherokee nation of Indians to their new homes west of the Mississippi. The measures authorized by Congress at its last session, with a view to the long-standing controversy with them, have had the happiest effects. By an agreement concluded with them by the commanding general in that country, who has performed the duties assigned to him on the occasion with commendable energy and humanity, their removal has been principally under the conduct of their own chiefs, and they have emigrated without any apparent reluctance.

The successful accomplishment of this important object; the removai, also, of the entire Creek nation, with the exception of a small number of fugitives amongst the Seminoles in Florida ; the progress already made toward a speedy completion of the removal of the Chickasaws, the Choctaws, the Pottawatamies, the Ottawas, and the Chippewas, with the extensive purchases of Indian lands during the present year, have rendered the speedy and successful result of the long-established policy of the government upon the subject of Indian affairs entirely certain. The occasion is, therefore, deemed a proper one to place this policy in such a point of view as will exonerate the government of the United States from the undeserved reproach which has been cast upon it through several successive administrations. That a mixed occupancy of the same territory, by the white and red man, is incompatible with the safety or happiness of either, is a position in respect to which there has long since ceased to be room for a difference of opinion. Reason and experience have alike demonstrated its impracticability. The bitter fruits of every attempt heretofore to overcome the barriers interposed by nature, have only been destruction, both physical and moral, to the Indian; dangerous conflicts of authority between the federal and state governments; and detriment to the individual prosperity of the citizens, as well as to the general improvement of the country. The remedial policy, the principles of which were settled more than thirty years ago, under the administration of Mr. Jefferson, consists in an extinction, for a fair consideration, of the title to all the lands still occupied by the Indians within the states and territories of the United States; their removal to a country west of the Mississippi much more extensive, and better adapted to their condition than that on which they then resided; the guarantee to them, by the United States, of their exclusive possession of that country forever, exempt from all intrusions by white men, with ample provisions for their security against external violence and internal dissensions, and the extension to them of suitable facilities for their advancement in civilizalion. This has not been the policy of particular administrations only, but of each in succession since the first attempt to carry it out under that of Mr. Monroe. All have labored for its accomplishment, only with different degrees of suc

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