his final opinion was against an Executive during good behaviour on account of the increased danger to the public tranquillity incident to the election of a magistrate of this degree of permanency."* Though entertaining doubts similar to, but probably stronger than those, of these other distinguished men; Hamilton remarked, "the truth is, the plan in all its parts, was a plan of accommodation;" and he declared,—“I am persuaded, it is the best which our political situation, habits and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced. Though it may not be perfect in every part, it is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best the present situation and circumstances of the country will permit." Still the ominous future was before him, and he recorded in private, his hopes, his fears, and his expectation. "If the government be adopted," this solemu minute states, "it is probable, General Washington will be President of the United States. This will ensure a wise choice of men to administer the government, and a good administration. A good administration will conciliate the confidence, and affection of the people; and, perhaps, enable the Government to acquire more consistency than the proposed Constitution seems to promise for so great a country. It may then triumph altogether over the State governments; and reduce them to an entire subordination, dividing the larger States into smaller districts. The organs of the general government may also acquire additional strength. If this should not be the case, in the course of a few years, it is probable that the contests about the boundaries of power between the particular governments and the general Government; and the momentum of the larger States in such contests will produce a dissolution of the Union. This, after all, seems to be the most likely result. But, it is almost arrogance in so complicated a subject, depending so entirely on the incalculable fluctuations of the human passions, to attempt even a conjecture about the event."

Were these doubts of these eminent persons without foundation? Let the history of this young country give the answer. Ere the first decade of the existence of the present Constitution had expired, the doctrine of NULLIFICATION was avowed and approved by the legislatures of two of the planting States-that a State had a right to decide as to the measure of its obedience to "the supreme law of the land;" and at its will to annul that

*Hist. Rep. iii. 345-note.

law. This incipient Rebellion was avoided by the elevation of the party, originally hostile to the Constitution, to the supreme power of this nation, and by the election to the Presidency of the person who was the author, the advocate, the abettor of this treasonable doctrine. Ere the second decade of its existence had elapsed, another incipient Rebellion was prevented, within six months after he had established the liberty of the Press, by the self sacrifice of Hamilton's life in behalf of the Union. "If they break this Union," were among his latest words, "they will break my heart." This rebellion was menaced by two of the Commercial States. Ere a third decade had elapsed, another Rebellion, also by Commercial States denying to the national government the command of their militia, was avoided by the timely conclusion of a peace, terminating a war begun in the interests of a foreign despot-a peace the result of an event over which this country had no control-the dethronement of that despot. After an interval of murmuring discontents of nullification become an act-of menaced hostilities; in the fifth decade of the Constitution, another incipient Rebellion was prevented by the firmness of a successful soldier wielding by his popularity a power dangerously strong-denouncing NULLIFICATION, and proclaiming and maintaining the supreme power of the national government. The seventh decade had only closed, when, aided by the imbecility of the Chief Magistrate of the Union, denying to it the right of coercion-of self defence; and rejecting the wise monitions of a great patriotic soldier, while a conspiracy was being plotted under his eyes in the Senate house, the existing Rebellion began, unparalleled in might and in extent. A million of lives well sacrificed and millions of treasure expended tell the sublime patriotism of the loyal American people-assuring their triumph. But when suppressed will this Rebellion leave no unremoved evil? Do the results of other Rebellions teach no lessons and promise no compensations? Is the history of our progenitors an empty page? The insurrections against William the Conqueror resulted in the establishment in England of the feudal system and of the master power of the great military barons. After two centuries of the vassalage of her people another Rebellion took place, when these barons rose in arms; and in the presence of hostile encampments at Runnemede, extorted from the King the great deed of MAGNA CHARTA, granting or securing most "important liberties and privileges to every order of

men in the kingdom-to the clergy, to the barons, and to the people."*

Before half a century had elapsed, another Rebellion resulted in the establishment of the House of Commons, one of the most useful and, in process of time, one of the most powerful members of the National Constitution.† Centuries of discord ensued, until the great Rebellion terminated in a Convention which settled the crown on a new dynasty, annexing "a declaration of rights," which circumscribed and defined the powers of the royal prerogative, and established over the British people a limited government; the ecclesiastical independence of England having been in the mean time secured, the Protestant religion established, and every British subject clothed with an absolute security against arbitrary imprisonment by the act of Habeas Corpus.

Another and the last important Rebellion gave birth to us as a nation of freemen.

All these rebellions were waged by subjects in their own cause of liberty. The existing Rebellion is waged by rebel States in the cause of Slavery !-alone in the history of man—a rebellion against a righteous unoffending Government to secure and perpetuate the lash and the fetters of human bondage. And here again will be seen ere long the compensating result-the universal emancipation of an unfortunate race continued in chains by the heathen barbarism that made captives in war the property of the captors. But in the full broad aspect of our Constitutional System, with the great good thus gained is there not to be seen a great remaining evil? All the incipient rebellions and the existing Rebellion have been within three quarters of a century of this nation's life. Such a life, so soon, so often, so much imperilled, ought no longer to be at hazard. All these menaced and this existing Rebellion are seen to have been begun by an array of STATE governments against a General Government dependent, by its very structure, upon the acts of States, of, minor bodies politic too weak to protect themselves and entitled to its guarantee, too strong to be effectually controlled and to render that guarantee a thing of value. As the Federal Constitution now is, "a republican form of government" cannot be permanently secured to the people as a nation, nor to any part of the people as States. Where is the remedy? It is found in

* Hume's History of England, i. 106. + Ibid. i. 265.

Ibid. ii. 648.

HAMILTON'S PLAN OF A TRUE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. lxxxiii

the precedent of Hamilton's plan of a Constitution, providing that the President and the Senate of the United States be indirectly, and the Representatives be directly chosen by the people, divided into districts by Congress from time to time according to their numbers-by rendering the NATIONAL GOVERNMENT self existent and self sustaining as are the governments of the several States. An eventual "dissolution of the Union" Hamilton apprehended as the probable result of the imperfect structure of our system. If prevented, it will be either by the usurping power of the sword, or by the consenting reason of the whole American people, restored to all the rights and powers and sovereignty which their own Declaration of Independence asserted to them. Let those who read the comments on the present Constitution by Hamilton's hand, when commending it to the favour of the public, perceive how strong though veiled were his apprehensions, apprehensions in which Jay and Washington concurred. "The men," he earnestly wrote to Hamilton, then temporarily absent from the Convention-"The men who oppose a strong and energetic government are, in my opinion, narrow minded politicians, or are under the influence of local views. I am sorry you went away. I wish you were back."

The Constitution is a reform of the Confederation. In the words of the friend of Cromwell, the immortal penman,"Reform the Reformation."-Establish the Constitution on its proper basis-not as a Federal, but as a National Governmentand this done-"Go on hand in hand, O nation, never to be disunited, be the praise and heroic song of all posterity; merit this, but seek only virtue, not to extend your limits, but to settle the pure worship of God in his Church and justice in the State: then shall the hardest difficulties smooth out themselves before ye; envy shall sink to hell, craft and malice be confounded, whether it be HOMEBRED MISCHIEF or OUTLANDISH CUNNING; yea, other nations will then covet to serve ye, for lordship and victory are but the pages of justice and virtue. Commit securely to true wisdom the vanquishing and uncasing of craft and subtlety, which are but her two runagates; join your invincible might to do worthy and godlike deeds; and then he that seeks to break YOUR UNION, a cleaving curse be his inheritance to all generations."

* Of Reformation in England. The Prose Works of John Milton, i. 26.

PART SECOND.

THE great question now was, would this plan of government be adopted by the people. After stating the influences "in favor of its success, and against its success;" Hamilton observed-"It is difficult to form any judgment whether the plan will be adopted or rejected. It must be essentially matter of conjecture. The present appearances and all other circumstances considered, the probability seems to be on the side of its adoption. But the causes operating against its adoption are powerful, and there will be nothing astonishing in the contrary." To secure its adoption was now the chief care of the able men, who, surrendering their doubts and preferences, had united in framing it. No where, except in Rhode Island, were the obstacles so great, or was the opposition so stubborn as in the State of New York. The abandonment of the Convention by Yates and Lansing, was in itself an act certain to alarm the great body of its people. This alarm would be the greater, because of the grounds on which they publicly declared they had retired; the refusal of their "assent to measures," they conceived "destructive to the political happiness of the citizens of the United States;" their "conviction of the impracticability of establishing a general government pervading every part of the United States and extending essential benefits to all;" and the duty, under their instructions, to preserve "the individual States, in their uncontroulled constitutional rights." Its "government," Hamilton wrote, had already discovered strong marks of disapprobation; and its adherents "were constantly employed in disseminating opinions unfavorable to its reception." Ere long these opinions were promulgated in several series of hostile essays.*

* Washington wrote-Nov. 30, 1787-"I have hardly seen one" publication, "that is not addressed to the passions of the people, and obviously calculated to alarm their fears."- Writings of Washington, ix. 283.