number of marriages was 18,845. The budget of Paris for 1877 was as follows (in francs): Ordinary receipts... Total Ordinary expenditures. Total........ 213,848,277 57,496,988 271,345,210 The French colonies and dependencies had, according to the latest official reports, the following area and population: COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES. Area, sq. m. Population. Algeria (1876).... Asia. I. COLONIES. 1. India: Pondichéry, Chandernager. Karikal, Mahé, Yanaon (1874). 258,217 2,490,388 270,523 1,563,130 1,833,653 69,827 73,027 2. French Cochin-China (1874).. 191.35 21,716.49 9.546 159,200 Guadeloupe and dependencies (1574) 712.44 French Guiana (1874). 46,879.77 167,844 216.583 427,584 2,898 Inland dispatches in 1876.. On December 31, 1874, there were 529 authorized savings banks. Of these, 159 had 694 branches. Of the 529, 16 had not been in operation during the year and one had not reported, leaving 512 which had reported at that date. The number of books out on December 31, 1874, was 2,170,066. On January 1, 1874, there was due to depositors 535,286,498 francs, and 195,495,861 francs were deposited. The session of the French Chambers was opened on January 9th. The proceedings were entirely formal, with the exception of a remarkable speech by M. Gaulthier de Rumilly, on taking the chair in the Senate as senior member. He said that, in the course of a long career, he had seen many governments fall which made no account of public opinion. He hoped the Senate, by moderate conduct, would avoid giving occasion to the adversaries of a Second Chamber to say that, since the two Chambers were also in conflict, it was better to have only one. The present ministry, in accord with the Constitutional President of the Republic, had issued a liberal programme. The hope of France was in the loyal execution of this programme, which was the only way to repair the disasters of the insane war of the Empire, and to restore the country to her proper rank among nations. The Duc d'Audiffret-Pasquier was reelected President of the Senate, and M. Grévy of the Chamber of Deputies. The Senate, after adopting the new extradition treaty between Great Britain and France, adjourned, a week later, for an indefinite period. In the Chamber of Deputies, on January 11th, M. Léon Say, the Minister of Finance, laid on the table his budget for 1878. It included uniform and lower rates of postage, made some change in the tax on lucifer matches, and, finally, abolished the tax on soaps and oils. The expenditure was estimated at 2,785,716,713 francs, and the revenue at 2,971,427,804 francs. On January 25th the Budget Committee was elected in 11 bureaux, into which the Chamber of Deputies is periodically divided by lot. M. Gambetta was elected president of the committee by a vote of 29 out of 32 votes, and, on returning thanks, disclaimed any hostility to the ministry, and said he hoped to be a useful auxiliary to it. On February 5th a proposition in the Chamber of Deputies, by M. Madier de Montjou, repealing the severe Press Decree of January 17, 1852, was adopted; as well as another, supported by M. Jules Simon, temporarily reviving the laws repealed by that decree. The Government, said M. Jules Simon, could not expose itself unarmed to the attacks of the press, but experiments with the freedom of the press must be carefully made. The whole force of law would be exerted to pre The statistics of telegraphs were as follows: vent attacks on the Constitution and provoca tions to civil war. M. Raoul Duval charged the ministry with a change of opinion. M. Simon replied that in different political situations different doctrines might be held. In presence of a strong and despotic government, theories on the press might be discussed. The men of that Government were now a minority, seeking to overturn the established régime. In such a situation, the Government must refuse arms to that militant faction which would use them against the Republic. In view of the law about to be repealed, a humiliating attitude would best become the Bonapartists who passed it. The Chamber would simply revive the law existing under a constitutional system before France underwent the shame of despotism. This speech was applauded by the Left and Centre. On February 22d M. Simon appointed 53 new sub-prefects, a change of officers which had long been expected, but did not prove satisfactory to any of the parties; the Republicans desiring a radical sweep, and the other parties being opposed to any change. In the Senate, which had met again early in February, M. Dufaur de Gavardie, of the Right, on February 27th, introduced a motion for the dismissal of M. Simon by President MacMahon, on account of the minister's former connection with the International Association. The Senate, however, refused to allow M. de Gavardie to proceed with his motion. The death of General Changarnier created a vacancy among the lifesenators. The Left nominated M. Alfred André, of the Left Centre, and an orthodox Protestant, while all the factions of the Right again, as in 1876, united upon one candidate, M. Dupuy de Lôme, a Bonapartist. The latter was elected, on March 10th, by a vote of 142 to 140. On March 6th the Legitimist organs published a speech delivered by the Count de Chambord, at Goritz, to a deputation of merchants from Marseilles. The speech was as follows: I thank you, gentlemen, for having felt that you will find, by coming to me, help and counsel amid existing difficulties. You have told me of the disquietudes which paralyze in France the elasticity of public prosperity with a frankness for which I thank you. You have not, moreover, disguised the persistent calumnies which attack truth not less than my honor. Yes, I know it already, people have presumed to say that in order to remain in an easy repose I left France in peril, and renounced all hope of saving her. It is by this detestable falsehood, against which I protest, that the enemies of the tutelary principle of hereditary monarchy keep up doubt in men's minds, trouble and discouragement in their souls. Discouragement, gentlemen-there is the great peril which I point out to you, and which it is necessary to combat. The Revolution is in its proper rôle in seeking to abuse public credulity; but I remain firm in my rights, and perfectly resolved to do my duty when the propitious hour for my direct and personal action shall arrive. I ask my friends, and all men of good intentions, to pave the way for it and to have confidence. With their cooperation, if it please God, the monarchy will not leave free course either to the ventures of the Empire or the violence of Radicalism, which preludes the triumph of which it thinks itself already assured in insulting all that VOL. XVII.-20 A a nation is bound to respect, if it will itself be respected the clergy and the magistracy-that is to say, Religion and Justice, and the Army, that living image of the people and of its honor. As you have come to me, say, on your return, what are the firm resolutions inspired in me by my love for France, and the events which menace her. On March 16th, the Chamber of Deputies considered the request of the Government for authority to prosecute Deputy Paul de Cassagnac, for violation of the press laws. M. de Cassagnac commenced by charging the Republicans with having, for 80 years, advocated liberty, and in its name overturned all monarchies, and he asked what justification there could be for the Republic if it did not renounce what it considered the mistakes and abuses of monarchy. He admitted that he himself was no partisan of the liberty of the press, but he claimed to be judged by the doctrines of the party in power. Now, the extreme section of that party, having the feeling of reciprocity, and being as ready to receive as to give blows, were against the prosecution, which was supported by the Moderates, who wanted nothing of the Republic but the name. He denied having attacked the Chamber itself, though he had attacked particular Deputies and groups; and, even if otherwise, the Chambers, since 1819, had been sole judges of attacks on themselves. His articles were directed against the Republic as a form of government, but he had always declared that he would respect the existing Government till 1880. He next referred to M. Simon's former advocacy of liberty of the press and other extreme doctrines, and charged him with leniency toward demagogic papers, and he urged that the Marshal and the Senate were attacked with impunity, while the Bonapartists were insulted even in the Chamber. This naturally provoked a certain warmth of language. For putting in practice M. Simon's own doctrines, he was now exposed to 14 days' imprisonment and a fine of 20,000 francs. He hoped that MM. Simon, Ferry, and others who formerly voted against the Rochefort and Rane prosecutions, would vote against this. He should accept with respect the decision of the Chamber, but if called to appear before the justice of his country he should do so unabashed. M. Simon, in reply, said the question was one concerning the welfare of society, and had nothing to do with the liberty of the press, which is, and will remain, his passion. He asked authorization to prosecute, because M. de Cassagnac had attacked the Government with extreme violence, and had thus committed, through the press, an offense at common law. It was not an offense of doctrine or of thought, but an offense which no Government could tolerate. The prosecu. tion was by virtue of an existing law, which must be enforced till abolished. The articles were full of insults, and might be characterized as inciting to civil war. In reply to the charge that other newspapers were not punished, the minister replied that this was so untrue, that the day on which he asked authorization to 1. Hôtel de Cluny. 2. Institut de France. 3. Notre Dame. 4. Palais de Justice. 5. Place du Roi de Rome. 6. Avenue Bois de Boulogne. 7. Aro de Triomphe. 8. Avenue des Champs Elysées. 9. Parc de Monceaux. 10. Palais de l'Elysée. 11. Palais de l'Industrie. 12. Place de la Concorde. 18. Madeleine. 14. Grand Opera, 15. Place Vendôme. 16. Théâtre des Italiens. 17. Bourse. 18. Palais Royal and Théâtre Français. 19. Tuileries. 20. Louvre. 21. Halles Centrales. 22. Hôtel de Ville. 23. Place Royale. 24. Place de la Bastille. 25. Cemetery of Montmartre. 26. Bassin de la Villette. 27. Custom House. 28. Gare de l'Arsenal. 29. Cemetery of Père Lachaise. 30. Place du Trône. 31. Jardin des Plantes. 32. Wine Market. 33. Collège de France. 34. Sorbonne. 35. Pantheon. 36. Observatory. 37. Luxembourg Garden. 38. Palais du Sénat. 39. St. Sulpice. 40. Corps Législatif. 41. Archiepiscopal Palace. 42. Hôtel des Invalides. 43. Military School. 44. Champ de Mars, 45. Cemetery. of Mont Parnasse. to 197. The minority was composed of extreme Radicals and Monarchists. On March 24th the Chambers adjourned. Early in April, the Catholic Committee of Paris, a body formed with the permission of the Government five years previously, as a connecting link between a number of Catholic agencies throughout France, was dissolved by the Prefect of Police, under instructions given by M. Jules Simon. This measure was taken on the eve of the annual Catholic Congress, or general meeting of Catholic committees; but the conference, nevertheless, was opened on April 4th, the precaution having been taken of sending out fresh invitations, in which it was simply described as a private meeting of Catholics. The congress sat till the 7th. The concluding speeches were made by M. Chesnelong, a Senator, who affirmed his conviction that a few sophists and demagogues would not stifle a faith which had resisted the laugh of Voltaire and the axe of the Reign of Terror; and by Monseigneur Freppel, who described Freemasonry and the International as the two destructive agencies at work in society. The Chambers met again on May 1st. The Duc Decazes, on presenting the Yellow Book, containing the diplomatic correspondence relating to the Eastern question, made a speech, in which he said: From the commencement of the crisis we have remarked how earnestly all the Governments which are anxious to prevent Europe from being disturbed by the vicissitudes of the Eastern question have desired a localization of the war. Europe has observed our sincerity, and our lasting desire to remain in harmony with her. Never during the last seven years have our relations with foreign states been better. The neighboring Powers, like ourselves, have no direct interest in the present events. The language used by their Governments leaves no room for doubt as to their pacific sentiments, or the price they attach to the strengthening of their good relations with France. In conclusion, he said: In the Eastern question the most absolute neutrality, guaranteed by the most scrupulous abstention, will remain the basis of our policy. On May 2d and 3d the Chamber of Deputies discussed the interpellation of Leblond as to the doings of the priests. M. Simon, in the session of May 2d, declared the respect of the Government for religion, and at the same time their earnest desire not to permit the clergy to exceed their spiritual prerogatives, but, above all, to prevent an attack upon a neighboring country. On May 3d, an order of the day was finally adopted, by a vote of 361 to 121, and was concurred in by the cabinet, requesting the Government to use all means to oppose the manifestations of the Ultramontanes, "who are a standing menace to peace both at home and abroad." This order produced great bitterness among the Clericals; and in the Senate Franclieu gave notice of an interpellation, but withdrew it again, as the leaders of the Right did not consider the time for it to have come. In the month of April the Bishop of Nevers wrote a letter to MacMahon, calling upon him to draw the sword against Italy for the "Prisoner of the Vatican." In answer to this, the Minister of Justice, in the beginning of May, wrote to the bishop that he had exceeded the functions of his office. On May 16th, President MacMahon addressed the following letter to M. Simon: I have just read in the Journal Officiel the report of yesterday's sitting. I have seen with surprise that neither you nor the Keeper of the Seals urged from the tribune all the serious reasons which should have prevented the repeal of a law on the press, passed less than two years ago, on the proposal of M. Dufaure, and the application of which you yourYet, at several meetings of the Council, and even at self quite recently demanded from the tribunals. yesterday morning's, it had been decided that the President of the Council, as also the Keeper of the Seals, should undertake to combat it. There had already been room for astonishment that the Chamber of Deputies, in its latest sittings, had discussed a whole municipal law, and even adopted some provisions, the danger of which you yourself had recognized in the Council of Ministers, such as the publicity of the sittings of Municipal Councils without the Minister of the Interior having taken part in the naturally suggests the inquiry whether he retains over the Chamber the influence necessary to make his own views prevail. An explanation on this point is indispensable; for, if I am not responsible, like you, to the Parliament, I have a responsibility to France, with which I must now more than ever be preoccupied. discussion. This attitude of the head of the cabinet This letter was considered one of the most serious events which had happened in France after the fall of M. Thiers. Since the general election of 1876, the parties then defeated had been preparing for a conflict, and were resolved to profit by it. The new Chamber, however, had foiled this attempt; and had resisted every temptation to excite it, and justify a dissolution. On several occasions the President had declared that if he were led too far, he would form a Right and Dissolutionist Ministry. This simple threat had been sufficient to moderate the actions of the Chamber. When the Jules Simon ministry came in, it was hoped that the ministry would not be able to exist very long, and that its fall would force the President to ally himself with the Right. Religious discussions were finally relied upon to afford the opportunity of raising a conflict. But again a compromise was made between the cabinet and the Chamber, and the conflict once more avoided. But the elections of one-half of the Councils General were drawing on; to which bodies, together with the Municipal Councils, were intrusted the next senatorial election. These could not be left with the existing Republican cabinet; and so the Right forced on the conflict which the Chamber had avoided. The result was the above letter of the President. As soon as M. Simon had received this letter, written without the knowledge of any member of the cabinet, he waited on the President, and said: "I offer you my resignation." "I expected it, and accept it," was the answer. M. Simon also addressed the following reply to the President's letter: to me, I feel myself bound to hand you my resignaIn view of the letter you have thought fit to write tion of the functions you were good enough to confide to me. I am obliged, however, at the same time, to tender explanations on two points. You regret, M. le Maréchal, that I was not present on Saturday in the Chamber, when the first reading of the Bill on Municipal Councils was discussed. I regretted it also. I was detained at Paris by indisposition; but the question of the publicity of the sittings was only to have been discussed on the second reading. I had come to an agreement on this point with M. Bardouy. M. Perras's amendment, which passed, took the Assembly unawares; and I had an appointment with the committee on Friday morning to try and make it reverse its decision before entering on the debate in the Chamber. All this is known to everybody. As to the bill on the press, M. le Maréchal, you will be good enough to remember that my objections related solely to the case of foreign sovereigns. I had always explained myself in this sense, as you yourself must remember at yesterday morning's council. I repeated my reservations before the Chamber. I abstained from elaborating them for reasons which everybody knew and approved. As to the rest of the bill, I was in agreement with the committee. You will understand, M. le Président, the motive which leads me to enter into these details. I have to define my position in a distinct manner at the moment of my quitting the council. I scarcely venture to add though as a citizen, and no longer as a minister that I earnestly desire to be succeeded by a man belonging, like myself, to the Conservative Republican party. For five months it has been my function to give my advice; and the last time I have the honor of writing to you I allow myself to express a wish which is solely inspired by my patriotism. Pray accept, M. le Maréchal, the homage of my respect. The excitement produced by this correspondence throughout France, and even abroad, was so intense, that the Havas Agency published, by order, the following: The President of the Republic received various political personages this morning, and expressed to every one his firm desire to maintain the policy of peace with all the Powers; and to repress, with the greatest firmness, the Ultramontane demonstrations which might be made. In the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, on May 17th, which did not begin until three in the afternoon, no member of the cabinet, except M. Christophle, took his place on the ministerial bench. A Deputy asked leave to interpellate the out-going cabinet on the crisis, observing that the situation was a strange one. M. Christophle remarked that he was alone, and requested a postponement till the following day, adding that some of the late ministers were in the gallery allotted to the Senators, and, not forming part of the Chamber, had ceased to present themselves in it. M. Gam betta objected to delay, observing that there was no interregnum, and théréfore the cabinet still existed and could answer. The Chamber decided that the interpellation should be made at once. M. Gambetta then ascended the tribune amid profound silence, and made a speech said to excel any of his former productions. He concluded by moving an order, declaring That the confidence of the majority can only be accorded to a cabinet free in its action and resolved to govern according to Republican principles, which alone can guarantee order and property at home and peace abroad. the entire Left voting for it. The new cabinet was published in the Journal Officiel, on May 18th. The list was as follows: Justice, Worship, and Prime Minister, Duc de Broglie; Foreign, Duc Decazes; Home, De Fourtou; War, Berthaut; Navy, Gicquel de Touches; Education, Brunet; Finances, Caillaux; Public Works, Paris; Commerce, De Meaux. On May 18th, the following message from the President was read in both Chambers; in the Senate by the Duc de Broglie, and in the Chamber of Deputies by M. de Fourtou : MM. LES SÉNATEURS : I have had to part with the ministry presided over by M. Jules Simon, and to This was adopted, by a vote of 355 to 154, form a new one. I must give you a sincere explana |