Federal government, too weak at first, will continually grow weaker. . . . We ought without delay to enlarge the powers of Congress. Every plan of which this is not the foundation will be illusory."

During the years 1781-82 the condition of the finances was constantly growing worse, paper money had become almost worthless, the army wanted pay, requisitions were disobeyed, and anxiety and distress were general. Congress organized with more or less success some departments of administration; but these found themselves seriously ineffective for want of powers and lack of revenue. France agreed to make another small loan, with assurance that nothing more must be expected from her, and accompanied by reproaches upon the unwillingness of the States to exert themselves.

At this time of general conflict of material interests, of social elements, of political aims, and of personal ambitions, Schuyler and Hamilton urged, and both branches of the legislature of New York adopted, resolutions (July, 1782) unanimously recommending Congress to propose and each State to adopt the measure of assembling a general convention of the States, specially authorized to revise and amend the Confederation, reserving a right to the respective legislatures to ratify their determinations." These resolutions were

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communicated to Congress, and to the state governments.

Meantime, the proposition to so enlarge the powers of Congress that they might obtain a revenue from duties on imports had been ratified by all the States except Rhode Island. Congress was about to send a committee to obtain the assent of that State when the Virginia Legislature (December, 1782), on the motion of Richard Henry Lee, most unexpectedly retracted its previous assent, on the ground that it involved a surrender of the state sovereignty.

This refusal on the part of so important a Confederate member as Virginia gave a shock to the Confederacy itself. It seemed not only a refusal of this particular measure for the support of the Union, but its principle tended against all powers in Congress which should operate in any way directly upon the citizens of a State. Yet it proved a step in the march to a more perfect union. Parties in that State divided, one led by the mover of that resolution, and supported by Arthur Lee, Mercer, and Bland; the other, by Madison, with the positive support of Washington. Meanwhile, its immediate effect operated to the serious disadvantage of the country. Hostilities had practically terminated. Adjustment of new commercial relations with Great Britain re

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mained to be effected. Congress had no power to regulate commerce or pass a navigation act. After the peace, the question whether American vessels were national or state was raised in Parliament (May, 1783). Lord Thurlow said: "I have read an account which stated the government in America to be totally unsettled, and that each province seemed intent on establishing a distinct, independent, sovereign State." And Parliament decided to commit all American commercial rights to the arbitrary will of the King in council. Jay wrote that no time should be lost in raising and maintaining a national spirit in America. Gouverneur Morris replied that the British restrictions would do us "more political good than commercial mischief; " true energy in our general government would yet be supplied. Lord North discussed our situation, and predicted utter powerlessness in our Confederacy, each State having reserved to itself every power relative to imports, exports, prohibitions, and duties, and recommended that the States be separately dealt with. They did not fail to discover in this the means of further weakening a power which with perfect union might become formidable. Slowly these English views reached and affected American opinion. Lafayette also by correspondence urged the consolidation of the Union.

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Additional pressure was brought to bear upon public opinion by the discontent and urgent demands of the army for their pay, long time in arrears. Their violent and indignant spirit was subdued only by the discreet action, patriotic words, and personal intervention of Washington, who besought them not to sully their reputation by a mutinous act at the close of a glorious career. Upon their disbandment, a few months later, they organized the Society of Cincinnati, with the emphatic pledge of an "unalterable determination to promote and cherish union between the States," and separated without a penny of pay. The influence of the army was reinforced by that of the public creditors, who were wholly unprovided for; not only the creditors at home, but also in France and Holland, all of whom became clamorous for some action looking to the payment of their obligations. Hamilton expressed utter want of confidence in temporary revenue measures which depended on state

action.

In April, 1783, and after the announcement of peace, Congress took up the New York resolutions for a general constitutional convention, and referred them to a committee of nine. Washington's earnestness for a more complete union was manifested with the profound sincerity and warmth of an apostle of

religion. He addressed communications of great force, both to Congress and to all the governors of States, urging the imperative necessity of prompt and united action to rescue the country from bankruptcy and disorder, and to preserve by their union the inestimable rights secured through the long struggles of the Revolutionary war. The honor, power, and true interest of this country must be measured by a continental scale. To form a new constitution that will give consistency, stability, and dignity to the Union, and sufficient powers to the great council of the nation for general purposes, is a duty incumbent on every man who wishes well to his country.

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If a spirit of discussion or obstinacy and perverseness should in any of the States attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the Union, that State which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the continent will alone be responsible for the consequences. Happiness is ours, if we seize the occasion and make it Whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the Union, or to violate or to lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the liberty and independence of America." These sentiments were supported by an irresistible argument, based on the then existing condition of affairs, and

our own.

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