(Page 421 of his book.) This fact alone, and I have it from an actor and an eye-witness in the meeting referred to, is, to say the least, strange and unaccountable on the part of Mr. Hines. He either feared the influence of Bailey, or the truth, which he withheld in the case, and leaves a wrong impression upon the minds of his readers.

From the sickening, fawning, and contemptible course of Dr. White, the committee at the Falls meeting were induced to yield the point of an organization without an executive head, and by that means got a unanimous vote to call a public meeting to organize a provisional government at Champoeg, on the 2d of May, 1843. This was effort number one of February and June, 1841, over again. Those of us who commenced this move did not feel that we had gained much, still we hoped for the best and prepared for the worst as well as the meeting at Champoeg on the 2d of May, 1843.

We will let the provisional government rest till the 2d of May, 1843, while we take a look over the whole country, and at the actors in it, first stopping to drop a tear at the grave of our friends as we proceed. On the 2d of February our best and most esteemed friend, Cornelius Rogers, with whom we had spent years of the kindest confidence and friendship, left our house for Oregon City, as his future residence and home, with his young wife, the eldest daughter of Rev. David Leslie, and her youngest sister. They took passage down the river with W. W. Raymond, a man who came to the country with the re-enforcement of the mission of 1839-40. He was at that time a member of the Methodist Mission, in good standing. Dr. Elijah White and Esquire Crocker, of Lansingville, Tompkins County, New York, were also in the canoe, one of the largest of Chinook manufacturing. They arrived all safe at Canemah. It was let down stern first by a line, around a point of rocks just above the falls on the Oregon City side, since blasted away for a canal and boat channel. In the eddy formed by the point of rock a large tree had lodged, forming a convenient landing, and occupying a large portion of the eddy water, so that it was necessary for the canoe to remain close to the log for safety from the swift current. There were two Indians to guide the canoe into this landing, one in the bow and one in the stern. The one in the stern escaped by jumping from the canoe and catching upon a piece of drift-wood on a rock just above the fall. White, as the canoe came alongside of the log upon which all were to land, being near the bow of the canoe, and not thinking, or perhaps caring, for any one but himself, jumped upon the side of the canoe, and with a spring, upon the log, before there was time for any one to secure the bow of the canoe, to prevent it from swinging into the current. The force of White's spring upon the canoe to reach the log

threw it into the current, which was too strong for Raymond and his Indians to hold, and in a moment it darted into the middle of the channel, and the next moment was plunged broadside over the falls, some twenty-five feet perpendicular. The force of the current threw the canoe to the bottom of the fall, right side up, but the under-swell threw it back to the sheet of falling water, which filled and upset the canoe in an instant. All that went over were lost. Raymond, who had attempted to hold the canoe, came over the point of rocks (a difficult place) and found White upon the log, and that he had made no effort to relieve the drowning party.

Mr. Hines, I see, gives a more favorable account of this transaction for White. I think this the nearest correct, as Raymond gave the alarm, and a boat was launched, and reached within ten feet of Mr. Rogers before he sank to rise no more. His and Esquire Crocker's bodies were found and interred. Those of Mrs. Rogers and her sister were never found. Rev. G. Hines, W. H. Gray, and Robert Shortess, were appointed by Judge Babcock to appraise the estate of Mr. Rogers, which was found to be worth about $800, clear of all liabilities. His heirs at law resided in Utica, New York. Rev. Harvey Clark was appointed administrator, discharging that duty faithfully, and I think without compensation. None of the appraisers received a dime for their services. There followed this affliction a severe storm, and an unusually high flood in the Wallamet River. The appraisers were detained several days on account of it, but finally reached their homes in safety.

The Methodist Mission had extended their stations to Fort Nasqualla on Puget Sound and Clatsop Plains, and made an effort to establish a mission station on the Umpqua River. At this last-named place the Indians had been prepared by the instructions they had received through the Hudson's Bay Company and the Jesuit priests to destroy Lee and Hines, and commence the slaughter of the settlement. (See Hines' account of the trip, pages 100 to 110 inclusive, made in 1842.)

Messrs. Frost and Cowan had become disgusted with their missionary calling, and Rev. Dr. Richmond had also found his Nasqualla location not a suitable one, or at least, he by some means had become convinced that he could not benefit the Indians about the fort, and made up his mind to leave..

It will be remembered that Vicar-General Brouillet, of Wallawalla, in his attempt to prove that the "Catholic stations and stationary priests" were early in the country, says "almost every Indian tribe possessed some Catholic members" as early as 1840, and that Mr. Demerse's labors among the Cayuses in 1840 "had made there a mission so fruitful that

the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them if he continued his mission among them.” (Page 87 of "Protestantism in Oregon," by Brouillet.) Neither Hines, Richmond, nor Smith could understand why it was that the Indians upon this coast and throughout the country were so different from the accounts they had heard and read of them up to 1840. In June, 1853, had either of those gentlemen picked up the New York Freeman's Journal, they would have seen the statement that, as early as 1840, "almost every Indian tribe [on this coast] possessed some Catholic members." A little further along they would have been startled with the announcement, that these Jesuit missions had become "so fruitful that the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them." This was but the work of two years, from 1838, late in the fall, to 1840. This was, without doubt, a great triumph, and well does this Jesuit blow his trumpet; and well he may, for he had the active aid of an unscrupulous monopoly who are said to be attempting the same thing with just such implements upon their own countrymen in British Columbia. Why, I ask, have states and countries in Europe found it necessary to suppress that order of the Roman Church? And why is England, to-day, hesitating to give this church in particular the same confidence she does to all others?

CHAPTER XXXV.

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Meetings to oppose organization.-Address of the French-Canadians.-Criticisms on it by the author.-The Jesuits.-Jesuit oath.-Article from the Cincinnati Beacon.

BETWEEN the meeting of the committee of twelve at Wallamet Falls, about the 16th of March, and the called meeting by that committee on the 2d of May, the priests and the Hudson's Bay Company were not idle. They held two distinct meetings, one at the falls and one at Vancouver, and two in the French Prairie at the Catholic church. At all of these meetings the course to be pursued by the company and the Catholic and French settlers was discussed and decided. The result of these meetings and discussions can be found on the 12th and 13th pages of the Oregon archives. The names of the signers should have been given. This document seems to be dated the 4th of March, 1843, The meeting at Gervais' was on the first Monday of March. So this document seems to have been prepared by our Jesuit Blanchet, just about the time the "wolf meeting" was convening, and in anticipation of the move for a provisional government. I am certain it was not before any public meeting of the settlers, and that it was handed in to the committee of three appointed by the Legislative Committee to revise and arrange the laws for the meeting on the 5th of July, 1843. G. W. Le Breton, clerk of the Legislative Committee, handed it in, when it was examined by the committee of three, and handed back to him with the remark "it was well enough to keep it with the public papers, as it would show the influences operating, and who were opposed to our organization, and the reasons they had for their opposition. At the meeting of May 2, all the signers of that document were present with their priests at their head, and voted to a man against the proposed organization.

"Address of the Canadian citizens of Oregon to the meeting at Champoeg, March 4, 1843." It will be seen it should have been dated May 2. This mistake simply shows that it was prepared March 4, 1843, in anticipation of the action of the meeting to be held May 2, 1843.

The address above referred to is here submitted as a matter of history, and is as follows:

"We, the Canadian citizens of Wallamet, considering with interest

and reflection the subject which unites the people at the present meeting, present to the American citizens, and particularly to the gentlemen who called said meeting, the unanimous expression of our sentiments of cordiality, and desire of union and inexhaustible peace between all the people, in view of our duty and the interest of the new colony, and declare

"1st. That we wish for laws, or regulations, for the welfare of our persons, and the security of our property and labors.

"2d. That we do not intend to rebel against the measures of that kind taken last year, by a party of the people; although we do not approve of certain regulations, nor certain modes of laws, let those magistrates finish their time.

"3d. That we will not address a new petition to the government of the United States, because we have our reasons, till the line be decided, and the frontiers of the States fixed.

"4th. That we are opposed to the regulations anticipated, and exposed to consequences for the quantity, direction, etc., of lands, and whatsoever expense for the same lands, because we have no direct guaranty from the government to come, and, perhaps, to-morrow, all those measures may be broken.

"5th. That we do not wish a provisional mode of government, too self-interested, and full of degrees, useless to our power, and overloading the colony instead of improving it; besides, men of laws and science are too scarce, and have too much to do in such a new country.

"6th. That we wish either the mode of senate or council to judge the difficulties, punish the crimes (except capital penalties), and make the regulations suitable for the people.

"7th. That the same council be elected and composed of members from all parts of the country, and should act in body, on the plan of civilized countries in parliament, or as a jury, and to be represented, for example, by the president of said council, and another member, as a judge of peace, in each county, allowing the principle of recalling to the whole senate.

"8th. That the members should be influenced to interest themselves to their own welfare, and that of the public, by the love of doing good, rather than by the hope of gain, in order to take off from the esteem of the people all suspicions of interest in the persons of their representa tives.

"9th. That they must avoid every law loading and inexpedient to the people, especially to the new arrivals. Unnecessary taxes, and whatever records are of that kind, we do not want them.

"10th. That the militia is useless at present, and rather a danger of