every heart, as they were the sure and certain forerunners of calamities to fallen, sinful man. Two of the largest fires ever then known in North America, had nearly consumed Boston; the first destroying forty-five houses, beside numerous large stores, and, what showed the Divine vengeance of the devouring flame more than all, a meeting-house; the second burning up more than eighty dwellings and seventy warehouses, with several vessels and their cargoes. A synod was called of all the clergy in Massachusetts. It was an unusual occasion, and the prayers of the whole body were needed. The preachers proved, to the entire satisfaction of the people, that they could expect no blessing if they continued to allow the Lord's heritage to be invaded by prelacy and dissent, or relinquish the privileges of His elect. The drooping spirits of the people revived, and they expressed their determination to stand or fall by their charter, and to make no surrender. On the arrival of the agents in England, it was found that their instructions did not contain sufficient authority to enable them to treat on behalf of the colony. They were ordered to procure more comprehensive powers, but the General Court refused to enlarge them. Their mi sion was thus brought to a close, and a quo warranto issued in the usual form, for the purpose of putting an end to the charter. Hitherto, the local government had depended upon their allies, the Liberals. The connection had always been one of convenience rather than regard, for they mutually despised each other. The Provincials coalesced with that party, because they had a more republican tendency than the Tories, and courted the support of the enemies of the Church; but they loathed their profligacy, their disregard of all principle, and their readiness to sacrifice patriotism for place, and consistency for the emoluments of office. On the other hand, the Liberals knew the importance of so large and influential a body as the Sectarians, and were well skilled in inflaming their passions, pandering to their prejudices, and rendering their discontent and their union subservient to their own schemes of ambition. But while they used them, they ridiculed them; and their ignorant zeal, hypocritical pretensions, and extravagant language of cant, afforded them inexhaustible subjects for satire. It was an age when the leaders of the two extremes of sanctimonious and dissolute modes found their greatest safety in embracing each other. Knowing that the Liberals were always venal, and having succeeded in seducing the clerks of the public offices (if there can be seduction where there is no virtue), and kept them on pay to betray their trusts, they were always constantly and accurately informed of the secrets of State, and furnished with copies of all Minutes of Council, memorials, or complaints, affecting their interests, as well as the names of those members that voted for or against them. They now conceived the plan of concentrating their gratuities. and tempting the cupidity of the king, and most unblushingly offered him a bribe of two thousand guineas.* His thoughtless dissipation, lavish profusion, and unquenchable thirst for means to gratify his extravagant habits, were well calculated to lower himself and his monarchy to the level of republicans. The agents did not underrate his honor, but they overvalued their own dexterity. Had it been delicately managed-for he was fastidious in his appetites-it is to be feared he would have had as little virtue to resist, as they had honesty to offer the temptation; but the coarseness of the execution, if possible, surpassed the baseness of the design, and it failed of success as much on account of its grossness, as its immorality. It was a great mortification to both. The king concealed his The proofs of these charges are abundant. The following will suffice: "From the Clerks of the Privy Council, who were retained on treacherous pay, they procured the strictest information, and even the State papers. Perfectly acquainted by this means with European affairs, the ruling men at Boston were able to draw every advantage from distractions, either to act with moderation or firmness."-Chlm. Col. vol. 1. p. 129. [Chelmus held the impor. tant office of Head Clerk to the Committee of the Privy Council, and is therefore good authority]. "Having long corrupted his servants, they now attempted to bribe himself by an offer of two thousand guineas."-Chlm. Col. vol. 1. p. 133. "Massachusetts was willing to bribe the Monarch into clemency toward its liberties."-Ban. Hist. vol. II. p. 123. "Cranfield advised tendering two thousand guineas for the king's private service. The Court agreed to the proposal, and showed him the letter they had written to their agent thereon."-Hutch. Hist. vol. 1. p. 337. Major Thompson would make better use of your funds for your advantage. His employment in the East India Company gives him frequent access to Court, where he hath opportunity to give a feeling to such classes of the Council as may serve you with true intelligence. They have been there two years raising money upon the poor inhabitants to make friends at Court. Certainly they have some there too nigh the Council Chamber, otherwise they could not have copies of my petition against the Government, my articles of high misdemeanors, and now of Cranfield's instructions."-Letter of Randolph to Clarendon, June 14th, 1682. F chagrin under a well-turned point. He said the Puritans were unrelenting foes, they had deprived his sainted father of his life, and now they would rob him of what he prized more highly, his honor. The agents were covered with shame, and were pointed at wherever they went as hypocrites, who had the depravity of courtiers, without their practical adroitness, or polished manner to conceal it. They returned as soon as possible to Boston from their fruitless mission, and arrived on the 23d of October, and the same week were followed by the indefatigable Randolph, with the quo warranto. At the same time his Majesty made one effort more to bring this protracted contest to an end, and condescended again to entreat them to submit, promising at the same time to make as few alterations in their patent as possible, consistently with the support of a royal government. In this desperate situation the question was debated, both in the General Court, and among the inhabitants at large, whether it were better to make ample submission to the king, or suffer matters to take their course. The Government, however, and the people, true to the principles they had ever professed, determined it was better to die by the hands of others, than to commit a suicidal act themselves, by surrendering a charter, under which they had, for a period of fifty years, enjoyed internal and external independence. The General Court assembled and debated the subject for a fortnight. The upper branch was divided in opinion, but moderate counsels prevailed, and the majority passed a resolution not to contend with his Majesty at law, but rather throw themselves on his mercy, and to send agents to receive the royal commands. This vote was sent to the Chamber of Deputies, according to the usual form, for their concurrence.t * Truly, sir, if you could see how we are ridiculed by our best friends at Court, it would grieve you.-Dudley's Letter to Bradstreet, February, 1682. †The vote was as follows: "The magistrates have voted that an humble address be sent to his Majesty by this ship, declaring that, upon a serious consideration of his Majesty's gracious intimations, in his former letters, and more particularly in his late declaration, that his pleasure and purpose is only to regulate our charter in such a manner as shall be for his service, and the good of this his colony, and without any other alteration than what is necessary for the support of his government here; we will not presume to contend with his Majesty in a court of law, but humbly lay ourselves at his Majesty's feet, in a submission to his pleasure so declared, and that we have resolved by the next opportunity to send our agents, empowered to receive his Majesty's commands accordingly. And, for saving a default of non-appearance upon the return of the writ of quo The clergy took the alarm and effectually prevented its passage through the lower house. It was the last time they were ever able to exert the same influence.* The arguments on this occasion (though not in the shape of modern reports) are preserved in the valuable and interesting collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society: the substance I find elsewhere thus condensed. Ought the government of Massachusetts (thus it was argued) submit to the pleasure of the Court, as to alteration of their charter? Submission would be an offense against the Majesty of Heaven. The religion of the people of New England, and the Court's pleasure can not consist together. By submission Massachusetts will gain nothing. The Court designs an essential alteration, destructive to the vitals of the charter. The corporations in England that have made an entire resignation, have no advantage over those who have stood a suit in law. But if we maintain a suit, though we should be condemned, we may bring the matter to Chancery or to Parliament, and in time recover all again. We ought not to act contrary to that way in which God hath owned our worthy predecessors, who in 1638, when there was a quo warranto against the charter durst not submit. In 1664 they did not submit to the Commissioners. We, their successors, should walk in their steps, and so trust in the God of our fathers, that we shall see His salvation. Submission would gratify our adversaries, and grieve our friends. Our enemies know that it will sound ill in the world, for them to take away the liberties of a poor people of God in a wilderness. A resignation will bring slavery upon us sooner than it otherwise would be, and will grieve our friends in other colonies, whose eyes are now upon New England, expecting that the people there will not through fear give a pernicious example unto others. Blind obedience to the pleasure of the Court, can not be without great sin, and incurring the high displeasure of the King of Kings; submission would be contrary unto that warranto, that some meet person or persons be appointed and empowered, by letter of attorney, to appear and make a defense, until our agents may make their appearance and submission as above. The magistrates have passed this with reference to the consent of their brethren and the deputies hereto. "EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary." * "The clergy turned the scale for the last time. The balance which they had held from the beginning, they were allowed to retain no longer."-Hutchin son. which has been the unanimous advice of the ministers, given after a solemn day of prayer. The ministers of God in New England have more of the spirit of John the Baptist in them, than now, when a storm hath overtaken them, to be reeds shaken with the wind. The Priests were to be the first that set their feet in the waters, and there to stand till the danger be past; of all men they should be an example to the Lord's people of faith, courage and constancy. Unquestionably if the blessed Cotton, Hooker, Davenport, Shepherd, and Mitchell, were now living, they would, as is evident from their printed books, say, 'Do not sin in giving away the inheritance of your fathers.' "Nor ought we to submit without the consent of the body of the people. But the freemen and Church members throughout New England will never consent hereunto. Therefore, the Government may not do it. The civil liberties of New England are part of the inheritance of their fathers, and shall we give that inheritance away? Better suffer than sin. It is better to trust the God of our fathers, than to put confidence in princes. If we suffer because we dare not comply with the wills of men, against the will of God, we suffer in a good cause, and shall be accounted martyrs in the next generation, and at the Great Day." The vote was finally sent back with the following decision. "The Deputies consent not." The proprietors resident in England, with one exception only, ashamed of conduct they could not justify, disclaimed the usurpation. Craddock, their former governor, after some little show of deference, suffered a default to be entered, and the rest of the patentees stood outlawed. The General Court, consistent to the last, made one more attempt at delay and supplication. In an address, most humble in language, but firm in purpose, they excused themselves from sending home the charter, on pretense that judgement had been passed against it, upon a quo warranto, and declared if they had been duly notified, no doubt they could have put in a sufficient plea to it; that if they should transmit it, they would be looked upon as runagates and outlaws; that the common people would think that his Majesty had cast them off; and that they would for their safety confederate themselves under a new government, which would be of dangerous example to other plantations. "We do not question your proceedings," they said, in conclu |