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ble into such a fury, that they violently assaulted LambethHouse, but were as valiantly repulsed ; and, the next day, break open all the prisons in Southwark, and release all the prisoners whom they found committed for their inconformities.

The Scots, in the mean time, had put by such English for, ces as lay on the south-side of the Tyne, at the passage of Newborn, make themselves masters of Newcastle, deface the goodly church of Durham, bring all the Countries on the north-side of the Tees under contribution, and tax the people to all payments at their only pleasure. The council of Peers, and a petition from the Scots, prepare the King to entertain a treaty with them; the managing whereof was chiefly left unto those Lords who had subscribed the petition before remembered. But the third day of November coming on a-pace, and the commissioners seeming desirous to attend in parliament, which was to begin on that day, the treaty is adjourned to London ; , which gave the Scots a more dangerous opportunity to infect that city, than all their emissaries had obtained in the times fore-going

And though a convocation were at that time (1641) site ting; yet to increase the miseries of a falling-church, it is permitted, that a private meeting should be held in the Deanery of Westminster, to which some orthodox and conformable Divines were called, as a foil to the rest, which generally were of Presbyterian or Puritan principles.* By them it was proposed, that many passages in the Liturgy should be expunged, and others altered to the worse. That decency and reverence in officiating God's public service, should be brought within the compass of innovations. That doctrinal Calvinism should be entertained in all parts of the church ; and all their Sabbath-speculations, though contrary to Calvin's Judgment, superadded to it. But before any thing could be concluded in those weighty matters, the Commons set their bill on foot against root and branch, for putting down all Bishops and Cathedral Churches; which put a period to that meeting without doing any thing."*

court, as if the king might he wrought upon, (because there had not been • that expedition used as he expected,) speedily to dissolve the Parliament; • that he came only to beseech him to use all his credit to prevent such a • desperate counsel, which would produce great mischief to the king, and 10

the church ; that he was confident the House was as well-coustituted and • disposed, as ever House of Commons was, or would be; that the number of

the disatfected to Church or State, was very small; and though they might obstruct for some time the quick resolving upon what was fit, they would never be able to pervert their good inclinations and desires to serve the

king.' The Archbishop heard him very patiently, and said, he believed the king would be very angry at the way of iheir proceedings; for that, in this conjuucture, the delaying, and denying to do what he desired, was the same .thiog; and therefore be believed it probable that he would dissolve them; without which he could not enter upon other counsels. That for his own part, he was resolved to deliver no opinion ; but as he would not persuade the dissolution, which might be attended by consequences he could not foresee, so he had not so good an opinion of their affections to the king or the church, as to persuade their longer sitting, if the king were inclined to dissolve them. As he actually did on the 4th or 5th of May, not three weeks after their first meeting."

These were the proposals of the sub-committee of accommodation, one of wbom was our Dr. Twisse ; and the rest, with two exceptions, were inclined either to the doctrine of Calvin or to the Presbyterian regimen. From such men what could be expected, but the complete establishment of Calvinism, and the extirpation of Arminianism ? Two of them had been members of the Dort Synod, and the majority of them seem to have been favourably inclined to the introduction of the canons decreed iu that Dutch Assembly. (See page 269.). Archbishop Usher was one of those who had formerly supposed a greater latitude of indulgence might be allowed to men who pleaded conscience in bar of their conformity: But he lived long enough to

Dr. Heylin then gives a succinct relation of the subsequent changes in Church and State, the general truth and accuracy of which are corroborated by the statements of some of the Puritans themselves. Speaking of the Liturgy, he says, It was “ not like to stand, when both the Scots and English Presbyterians did conspire against it. The fame whereof had either caused it totally to be laid aside, or performed by halfs in all the counties where the Scots were of strength and power; and not much better executed in some Churches of London, wherein that faction did as much predominate, as if it had been under the protection of a Scottish Army. But the first great interruption which was made at the offici. ating of the public Liturgy, was made upon a day of Humiliation, when all the Members of the House of Commons

have painful and ocular demonstration, that religious liberty, eveu when it had degenerated into licentiousness, was too confined, and did not satisfy many of the fanatics of that age. Evelyn says, in his Diary, “ Aug. 21, 1655, In discourse with the Archbisbup of Armagh, the learned James Usher, he told me,--that the church would be destroyed by sectaries, who would in all likelihood bring in Popery. In conclusion, he recommended to me the study of philology above all human studies."

+ At the close of the note, page 327, Walton praises God for having prevented him“ from being of that party which helped to bring in this covenant and those sad confusions that have followed it."-He then adds : “ I have been the bolder to say this of myself, because in a sad discourse with Dr. Sanderson, I heard him make the like grateful ackuowledgment. The Covepanters of this nation, and their party in parliament, made many exceptions against the Common Prayer and ceremonies of the Church, and seemed restless for another reformation. And though their desires seemed not reasonable to the King and the learved Dr. Laud, then Archbishop of Canterbury, and many others; yet to quiet their consciences, and prevent future confusion, they did, in the year 1611, desire Dr. Sanderson to call two more of the convocation to advise with him, and that he would then draw up some such safe alterations as he thought fit in the service-book, and abate some of the ceremonies that were least material, for satisfying their consciences; and to this end he and two others did meot together privately twice a week at the Dean of Westminster's house, for the space of five months or more. But not long after that time, when Dr. Sanderson had made the reformation ready for a view, the church and state were both fallen into such a confusion, that Dr. Sanderson's model for reformation became then useless. Nevertheless the repute of his moderation and wisdom was such, that he was, in the year 1642, proposed by both houses of parliament to the king then in Oxford, to be one of their trustees for the settling of church affairs, and was allowed of by the King to be so; but that treaiy came to nothing." Walton's Life of Bishop Sanderson.

were assembled together at St. Margaret's in Westminster. At what time, as the Priest began the second service at the Holy Table, some of the Puritans or Presbyterians began a Psalm ; and were therein followed by the rest in so loud a tune, that the minister was thereby forced to desist from his duty, and leave the preacher to perform the rest of that day's solemnity. This gave encouragement enough to the rest of that party to set as little by the Liturgy in the country, as they did in the city ; * especially in all such usages and rights thereof, as they were pleased to bring within the compass of innovations.

“ In which conjuncture happened the impeachment and imprisonment of eleven of the Bishops: Which made that bench so thin, and the King so weak, that on the 6th of February the Lords consented to the taking away of their votes in Parliament. The news whereof was solemnized in most places of London with bells and bonfires. Nothing remained, but that the King should pass it into act by his royal assent; by some unhappy instrument extorted from him when he was at Canterbury; and signified by his message to the Houses on the fourteenth of that month. Which condescension wrought so much unquietness to his mind and conscience, and so much unsecure-, ness to bis person, for the rest of his life, that he could scarce truly boast of one day's felicity, till God was pleased to put a final period to his griefs and sorrows. For in relation to the last, we find that the next vote which passed in Parliament, deprived him of his negative voice, and put the whole militia of the kingdom into the hands of the Houses. Which was the first beginning of his following miseries. And looking on him. in the first, he will not spare to let us know in one of his prayers, that the injury which he had to the Bishops of England, did as much grate upon his conscience, as either the permitting of a wrong way of worship to be set up in Scotland, or suffering innocent blood to be shed under colour of justice.+

* • And yet this excellent book hath had the fate to be cut in pieces with a pen-kvise, and thrown into the fire; but it is not consumed. At first it was sowu in tears, and it is now watered with tears; yet never was any holy thing drowned and extinguished with tears. It began with the martyrdom of the compile:s; and the Church bath been vexed ever since by augry spirits, and . she was forced to defend it with much trouble and unquietness. But it is to be hoped, that all these storms are sent but to increase the zeal and confidence of the pious sons of the Church of Eugland. Indeed the greatest danger that ever the Common Prayer Book had, was the indifferency and indevotion of them that used it but as a common blessing: and they who thought it fit for the meanest of the clergy to read prayers, and for themselves only to preach, though they might innocently intend it, yet did not in that action consult the honour of our Liturgy, except where charity or necessity did interpose. But when excellent things go away, and theu look back upun us, as our blessed Saviour did ipon St. Peter, we are more moved than by the nearer embraces of a ful, and actual possession. I pray God it may prove so in our case, and that we may not be too willing to be discouraged ; at least that we may not cease to love and to desire what is not publicly permitted to onr practice and profession.” Bishop TAYLOR'S Preface to his Apology for authorized and set Forms of Liturgy.

+" They who loved the Church, and were afraid of so great an alteration in the frame and constitution of Parliament, as the utter taking away of one of the three esta:es of which the Parliament is compounded, were infinitely provoked, and lamented the passing that act as an introduction to the entire destruction of the government of the Church and to the alteration of the religion of the kingdom : And very many, who more considered the policy

“By the terror of that army, some of the prevailing-mem. bers in the House of Commons, forced the King to pass the bill for triennial Parliaments, and to perpetuate the present session at the will of the Houses ; to give consent for murthering the Earl of Strafford with the sword of justice; and suffering the Arch-bishop of Canterbury to be banished from him; to Aing away the Star-Chamber, and the High-Commission, and the co-ercive power of Bishops ; to part with all his right to tonnage and poundage, to ship-money, and the Act for knighthood; and by retrenching the perambulation of his forests and chases, to leave his game to the destruction of each boor or peasant. And by the terror of this army, they took upon them an authority of voting down the Church's power in making of canons, condemning all the members of the late Convocation, calumniat

than the justice and piety of the State, did ever after believe, that, being removed out of the Parliament, the preserving them (the Bishops] in the kingdom was not worth any potable contention. . Then they looked upon the king's coudescension in this particolar, in a subject that all men knew had a wonderful influence upon his conscience, as a manifestation that he would not be constant in retaining, and denying any thing that should be impetuously and fiercely demanded; which as it exceedingly confirmed those who were engaged in that party, so it abated the courage of too many who bad always opposed them and beartily detested their proceedings, and made them more remiss in their attendance at the House, and less solicitous for any thing that was done there: who by degrees first became a neutral party, believing they should be safe in angering no body; and when they afterwards fouud no'security in that indifferency, they adhered to those who they saw had the best success; and so went sharers with them, in their future attempts, according to their several tempers and inclinations."

Lord CLARENDON has here tendered a strong reason wby the unfortunate monarch was “ deserted at his utmost need” by many of his well-wishers, who were not afraid of avowing their persuasion, that he inherited too much of the wayward instability of his royal parent's disposition, which had very improperly been designated by himself and his courtiers, “ tokens of complete king-craft.”

+ “ It was contrived to draw petitions accusatory from many parts of the kingdom against episcopal government, and the promoters of the petitions were entertained with great respects; whereas the many petitions of the opposite part, though subscribed with many thousand hands, were slighted and disregarded. Withal, the rabble of London, after their petitions cunniugly and upon other pretences procured, were stirred up to come to the Houses personally to crave justice both against the Earl of Strafford first, and then against the Archbishop of Canterbury, and lastly against the whole order of Bishops; which, coming at first uparmed, were checked by some well-willers and easily persuaded to gird on their rusty swords; and, so accoutred, came by thousands to the houses, filling all the outer rooms, offering foul abuses to the Bishops as they passed, crying out no Bishops, No Bishops! and at last, after divers days assembling, grown to that height of fury, that many of them came with resolution of some violent courses, in so much that many swords were drawn hereupon at Westminster, and the rout did not stick openly to profess that they would pull the Bishops in pieces. Hereupon the House of Lords was moved for some order for the preventing their mutinous and riotous meetings. Messages were sent down to the House of Commons to this purpose more than once. Nothing was effected; but for the present (for so much as all the danger was at the rising of the bouse) it was earnestly desired of the Lords that some care might be taken of our safety. The motion was received by some Lords with a smile. Some other Lords, as the Earl of Manchester, undertook the protection of the Archbishop of York and his company, (whose shelter I went under,) to their lodgings; the rest, some of them by their long stay, others by secret and far-fetched passages escaped home.

of the Bishops and Clergy, in most odious manner, and vexing some of them to the grave. And they would have done the like to the Church itself, in pulling down the Bishops and Cathedral Churches, and taking to themselves all their lands and houses, if by the constancy and courage of the HOUSE OF Peers, they had not failed of their design.* But at the last, the

ing many

« On January 30, in all the extremity of frosi, at eight o'clock in the dark evening, are we voted to the Tower, only two of our number bad the favour of the black rod by reason of their age, which, though desired by a noble Lord on my behalf, would not be yielded. The news of this our 'crime and imprisonment soon flew over the city, and was entertained by our wellwillers with ringing of bells and bopfires; who now gave us up (not without great triumph) for lost men, railing on our perfidiousness, and adjudging us to what fous deaths they pleased. And what scurrile and malicious pamphlets were scattered abroad, throughout the kingdom, and in foreign parts, blazoning our infamy, and exaggerating our treasonable practices !'what insultations of our adversaries was here? Being caged sure enough in the Tower, the faction had now fair opportunities to work their own designs. They therefore, taking the advantage of our restraint, renew that bill of theirs, (wbich had been twice before rejected since the beginning of this session, for taking away the votes of Bishops in parliament, and in a very thiu house casily passed it: which once condescended uuto, I koow not by what strong importunity, his majesty's assent was drawn from him thereunto.” Bishop Hall's Hard Measure.

* This is another proof of the salutary influence of this necessary branch of the legislature, which, even in those days of ill-defined rigbts, operated as a check both on the regal and popular incroachments that were then in contemplation. No one therefore will be surprised at the subsequent dissolution of the House Of Peers, which would have been a troublesome appendage to a REPUBLIC, in the fair management of which all men were supposed to have a share.

In Lord Clarendon's Life, it is said: “When Mr. Hyde sat in the chair, in the grand committee of the House for the extirpation of Episcopacy, ali that party (the Republicans] made great court to him ; and the House keeping those disorderly hours, and seldom rising till after four of the clock in the afternoon, they frequently importuned him to dine with them, at Mr. Pym's lodging, which was at Sir Richard Manly's house, in a little court behind Westininster Hall; where be, and Mr. Hambden, Sir Arthur Haslerig, avd two or three more, upon a stock kept a table, where they transacted inuch business; and invited thither those of whose conversion they had any hope. One day after dinner, Nathaniel Fiennes, who that day likewise dined there, asked Mr. Hyde whether he would ride into the fields and take a little air, it being a fine evening; which the other consenting to, they sent for their horses, and, riding together in the fields between Westminster and Chelsea, Mr. Fiennes asked him, what it was that inclined • bim to adhere so passiouately to the Church, which could not possibly he

supported.'-fle answered, that he could have no other obligation than ' that of his own conscience and his reason, that could move with him; for • he had no relation or dependence upon any churchmen, that could dispose • bim to it; tbat he could not conceive how religion could be preserved without Bishops, nor how the Government of the State could well'subsist if ,

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