But after all these auspicious predictions, which had their origin in the partially successful experiment of the Synod of Dort, and after all their strenuous endeavours to cause those predictions to ripen into facts, the Calvinists of the United Provinces saw Prince Maurice advanced no higher in the scale of sovereign princes, their darling King Frederic neither became Emperor of Germany nor regained Bohemia and the Palatinate, Du Moulin and the Rochelle Calvinists did not succeed in their seditious attempts against the King of France,* and

The daring conduct of these men has been already described by Grotius in the preceding Appendix C. But as a succinct account of it is necessary to complete the view of the enterprizes in which the Calvinists were encouraged to engage by their success at the Synod of Dort, I here furnish that account in the language of Dr. Heylin, a writer, who, from his situation, was well acquainted with the events of that age :

"Such was the miserable end of the war of Bohemia, raised chiefly by the pride and pragmaticalness of Calvin's followers, out of a hope to propagate their doctrines, and advance their discipline in all parts of the empire. Nor sped the Hugonots much better in the realm of France; where, by the countenance and connivance of King Henry the 4th who would not see it, and during the minority of Lewis the 13th who could not help it, they possessed themselves of some whole countries, and near two hundred strong towns and fortified places. Proud of which strength, they took upon them as a commonwealth, in the midst of a kingdom; summoned assemblies for the managing of their own affairs, when aud as often as they pleased; gave audience to the ministers of foreign churches; and impowered agents of their own to negotiate with them. At the same meetings they consulted about religion, made new laws for government, displaced some of their old officers, and elected new ones; the King's consent being never asked to the alterations. These carriages gave the King such just offence, that he denied them leave to send Commissioners to the Synod of Dort, to which they had been earnestly invited by the States of the Netherlands. For being so troublesome and imperious when they acted only by the strength of their provincial or national meetings, what danger might not be suspected from a general confluence, in which the heads of all the faction might be laid together? But then, to sweeten them a little after this refusal, he gave them leave to hold an assembly at Charenton, four miles from Paris, there to debate those points, and to agree those differences which, in that Synod, had been agitated by the rest of their party; which liberty they made such use of in the said assembly, that they approved all the determinations which were made at Dort, commanded them to be subscribed, and bound themselves and their successors in the ministry by a solemn oath, not only steadfastly and constantly to adhere unto them, but to persist in maintenance thereof to the last gasp of their breath.-But the Hugonots were not to be told, that all the Calvinian Princes and estates of the empire had put themselves into a posture of war; some for defence of the Palatinate, and others in pursuance of the war of Bohemia, of which they gave themselves more hopes than they had just cause for. In which conjuncture, some hot spirits then assembled at Rochelle, blinded with pride, or hurried on by the fatality of those decrees which they maintained to be resolved upon by God before all eternity, reject all offers tending to a pacification, and wilfully ruu on to their own destruction. Next, let us look upon the King, who, being brought to a necessity of taking arms, first made his way unto it by his declaration of the second of April, published in favour of all those of that religion who would contain themselves in their due obedience. In pursuance whereof, he caused five persons to be executed in the city of Tours, who had tumultuously disturbed the Hugonots, whom they found busied at the burial of one of their dead. He also signified to the King of Great Britain, the Princes of the

many more imaginary Calvinistic triumphs terminated in the hopelessness of despondency. Yet, after the lapse of a few years, a great door of hope was opened to the party in England: They seized upon the opportunity of the quarrel between King Charles I and his Parliament, introduced CALVINISM as the only religion to be tolerated in these realms, and overturned the monarchical government of the country. I know it is usual for writers on this subject to expose the clashing designs and interests of the different parties, who, either as principals or accessaries, were concerned in that religious and political revolution. But let them be called Presbyterians, Independents, or Episcopal Puritans, they were all animated by the same paramount desire of crushing Arminianism: and the genius of Presbyterianism and Independency will be allowed by all moderate men to point towards a Republican form of government in the State as well as empire, and the States of the Netherlands, that he had not undertook this war to suppress the religion, but to chastise the insolencies of rebellious subjects. And what he signified in words, he made good by his deeds; for when the war was at the hottest, all those of that religion in the city of Paris lived as securely as before, and had their accustomed meetings at Charenton, as in times of peace."

After alluding to the very imprudent act of King Charles I., in assisting the French Calvinists in 1626 and 1628, Dr. Heylin thus proceeds :

"Which being observed by those of Rochelle, who were then besieged to landward by the King in person, and even reduced unto the last extremity by plagues and famine; they presently set open their gates, and, without niaking any conditions for their preservation, submitted absolutely to that mercy which they had scorned so often in their prosperous fortunes. The King, thus master of the town, dismantleth all their fortifications, leaves it quite open both to sea and land, commands them to renounce the name of Rochelle, and to take unto the town the name of Mary Ville, or Bourg de St. Mary."

* Strong and irrefragable proofs of this assertion will be found in many of the subsequent parts of this Appendix. Indeed, it was a subject about which, in a short time, the English and Scotch Calvinists used no kind of disguise, as will appear by the following quotation from one of the letters of Grotius to his brother, dated March 30th, 1641:-" It is supposed that [the Earl of Strafford] who has been Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, will clear himself from all charges. Far greater hatred is displayed by the populace against the Archbishop [Laud], as was very apparent when he was committed prisoner to the Tower: For a seditious tumult was raised against him, as though he was not then sufficiently unfortunate. Yet, on that unhappy occasion, he quoted these lines of Juvenal, and applied them with the greatest propriety to the outrageous mob: at quid turba fremit? sequitur fortunam, ut semper, et odit damnatos, &c.—Sat. x. "Good! what think the people?"—They! They follow fortune, as of old; and hate, With their whole souls, the victim of the state.

GIFFORD.

A short Apology by the Scotch has been published here, in which they declare, that they have not taken up arms against the King or the English nation, but against the Archbishop and the REST OF THE ARMINIANS! You perceive what uncommon batred is manifested against THE TRUTH, that is, against sentiments that are moderate, and can, in their origin, lay claim to antiquity."

In my early theological studies, it was frequently a subject of wonder to me, that Arminianism should be called Pepery by some of its early opponents: For this reproachful epithet I could never discover a cause. "One

in the Church. Besides those who reflect on the peculiar condition of the great European family at that juncture, will perceive that the Dutch Republic, which had then so lately rendered the most important services to Rigid Predestination, was the only country in which the Calvinists were in a flourishing condition: This was a circumstance which was not forgotten in the harangues and publications of the various Puritanic emigrants who had found an asylum in the United Provinces, and who flocked to England in large companies as soon as they learnt the probability of a commotion being raised in their favour. These men imported into this country all the visionary enthusiasm, to which, after the Synod of Dort, they had been accustomed in the Low Countries.

A hundred instances might be produced of their Calvinistic extravagancies; a few may here suffice: "The bishops had been about this time voted out of the house of parliament, and some upon that occasion sent to the Tower, which made many covenanters rejoice, and most of them to believe Mr. Brightman (who probably was a well-meaning man) to be inspired when he writ his Comment on the Apocalypse; a short abridgment of which was now printed, cried up and down the streets and called Mr. Brightman's Revelation of the Revelation, and both bought up and believed by all the covenanters. And though he was grossly mistaken in other things, yet, because he had there made the churches of Geneva and Scotland, (which had no bishops) to be Philadelphia in the Apocalypse, that angel that God loved; and the power of prelacy to be Antichrist, the

good and sufficient reason, applicable to the case of the English Arminians, is given by Grotius in a preceding page, 209; for unless the Calvinists had constantly infused into the minds of the common people a persuasion, that "Episcopacy and Arminianism were nothing better than specious modifications of Popery," they could not have inspired them with a belief, that "the prophecies in the Revelations, relative to the subversion of the Antichristian kingdom, are as applicable to Arminianism as to Popery."

Yet I discovered, that, whenever it suited their convenience, these virulent Calvinistic accusers could congratulate themselves on the congruity which several of their own doctrines held with those of the Papists. John Goodwin said, in 1658, to one of his adversaries: "For doth he not know, that, as the "market of reproach and disgrace now ruleth in this angle of the world, call a man AN ARMINIAN, and you have called him constructively, yea emi"nently, Thief, Traitor, Murderer, Heretic, False Prophet, and whatsoever else soundeth infamy or reflection upon men ?-Dr. John Owen ac"knowledgeth, and doth little less than triumph, that his doctrine of Perse"verance is owned and asserted by the two great Popish Doctors, BELLAR"MINE and SUAREZ. May not I then, or any other man, upon as reasonable "an account, stigmatize such a doctrine with the ignominious character "of Popish or Jesuitical, as the said Doctor, or any other partisan, cast the "reproach of Arminian upon the tenets argued for by me in these contro" versies? Yea, the truth is, that such a doctrine of Perseverance as the "said Doctor abetteth, would make a more connatural and suitable member "in the crazy body of Popish Divinity, than in the body of the doctrine "maintained by Protestants."

evil angel which the House of Commons had now so spued up, as never to recover their dignity: therefore did those covenanters rejoice, approve, and applaud Mr. Brightman, for discovering and foretelling the bishops' downfall; so that they both railed at them, and at the same time rejoiced to buy good penny-worths of all their land, which their friends of the House of Commons did afford both to themselves and them, as a reward for their zeal and diligent assistance to pull them down." (ISAAC WALTON's Life of Bishop Sanderson.)

Dr.

The next personage introduced does not appear as a prospective but rather as an encouraging retrospective prophet. Owen also," says the judicious biographer of John Goodwin, "in a strain of genuine fanaticism, which would have disgraced the most despicable of Cromwell's preaching officers, compared the outrageous proceedings of the Regicides to the valorous achievements of the Man after God's own heart, in subduing the enemies of his country, and in preparing the way for the national glory and prosperity by which the reign of Solomon was distinguished. Speaking of Ireton, the Doctor says, 'He was an eminent instrument in the hand of God, in as tremendous alterations, as such a spot of this world hath at any time re'ceived, since Daniel saw in general them all......As Daniel's 'visions were all terminated in the kingdom of Christ, so all his Ireton's actions had the same aim and intendment. This was that " which gave life and sweetness to all the most dismal and black engagements that at any time he was called out unto. It was all the vengeance of the Lord and his temple! A Davidical preparation of his paths in blood, that he might for ever reign in righteousness and peace.' Isaac Walton says, in his Life of the venerable Hooker, about some malecontents at an earlier period: Yet these very men, in their secret conventicles, did covenant and swear to each other to be assiduous and faithful in using their best endeavours to set up the presbyterian doctrine and discipline; and both in such a manner as they themselves had not yet agreed on, but up that government must. To which end, there were many that wandered up and down, and were active in sowing discontents and sedition by venomous and secret murmurings, and a dispersion of scurrilous pamphlets and libels against the church and state, but especially against the Bishops; by which means, together with venomous and indiscreet sermons, the common people became so fanatick, as to believe the Bishops to be Antichrist, and the only obstructers of God's discipline; and at last some of them were given over to so bloody a zeal, and such other desperate delusions, as to find out a text in the Revelation of St. John, that Antichrist was to be overcome by the sword."

The same spirit was alive and in mighty operation during the Civil Wars: Grotius has alluded to it in a preceding page. (209.)

*

On the 16th of February, 1641, in a letter to his brother, Grotius writes thus concerning the imprisonment of Archbishop Laud" I pray God in behalf of the Archbishop, that he may obtain more favourable judges than we [ the Dutch Arminians,] did formerly. It is beyond the range of human prudence to foresee every thing that may afterwards occur. Yet God manifests a regard towards us; and he solaces with a better hope those who are treated injuriously." In a letter addressed to his brother, a week afterwards, he repeats the same pious wishes, and adds:-" I think the Archbishop's purpose has been such, as ought to cause him not to be afraid of having God for the Judge of his intentions. But, if in any age, undoubtedly in this all things are managed by factions. Those persons sport too much with Divine subjects, who suppose that they discover, in the name of the Archbishop, the number which is expressed in the Revelations: After the same manner, Feuardent has declared that the same number expresses MARTIN LAUTER.-Respecting the Synod of Dort, I think those persons are of the third order who attempt that which you describe: But, as far as I have been able to understand the affair by comparing the judgment of many persons together, I am inclined to believe, that neither the major part of the Bishops nor the Nobility will approve of that scheme, but that all things will be brought back to the same form as that which was established in the days of Elizabeth. It was this Queen who stifled in their very origin the Lambeth Articles, which were a kind of prelude to the Synod of Dort."To shew that some of those passages in the New Testament which were then interpreted, for party-purposes, to apply to the Papal tyranny, had been otherwise applied by many great and good men, Grotius wrote his Commentatio de Antichristo; in which he offers a conjecture, that ULPIUS, the cognomen of the Emperor TRAJAN, as it answered in Greek numerals to 666, was the person there signified. He refers to Eusebius for proof, that this Emperor in the tenth year of his reign revived the persecutions against the Christians; and quotes Augustine's City of God, Sulpitius Severus, and Orosius, as authorities for calling Trajan's cruel measures the Third Persecution of the Christians. He adds, "both Irenæus and Arethas consider it a matter placed beyond

Fenardent was a Franciscan Friar, and one of the most virulent adver saries that ever wrote against the early Protestants. Daillé says, that "he was highly deserving of his name,"-Feuardent signifying in French a brisk or blazing fire. Like all other dabblers in prophetic matters, he was not very scrupulous about the alteration of a few letters in LUTHER'S name, in order to adapt it to the sacred number.

This is an allusion to the Committee of Accommodation appointed by the Long Parliament at the close of 1640, some account of which will be given in the subsequent pages. The persons whom Grotius calls of the third order, were, I suppose, the Sub-committee of Divines, who were empowered to prepare matters of debate for the other Committee, which consisted of ten earls, ten bishops, and ten barons.