The state of Georgia has taken a strong stand against us; and the United States must either detend us and our rights, or leave us to our foe. In the former case, the general government will redeem her pledge solemnly given in treaties; in the latter, she will violate her promise of protection, and we cannot is future depend, consistently, upon any guarantee made by her to us, either here or beyond the Mississippi. who assert this doctrine, seem to act towards these un-1 how soon. MR. RANDOLPH. From the Washington Telegraph. A few words intended to have been said by Mr. Ran dolph, on the passage of the Cumberland read bill. "That the Cherokee nation may be led to a greater degree of civilization, and to beome herdsmen and cultivaSir:-I have had as little inclination as ability to par tors, instead of remaining hunters, the United States take in the discussions on this bill: but I cannot let it fiwill, from time to time, furnish gratuitously the said na-nally pass without my solemn protest against it. tion with useful implenients of husbandry." them. very first official movements, I would vote for this bill. What sir! shall the federal authority seize upon the great passes and thoroughfares of our land, and construct barriers which no man shall be permitted to pass to mill or market, to church, to court, or to an election, without paying unto Cesar such tribute as the imperial pleasure shall prescribe? If we are to erect a splendid imperial If I were unrestrained by other considerations, and He furthermore inclined that illustrious man, and his wished to superadd to an aggression upon the rights of the successors in office, and the agents of the United States, states, insult the most offensive to their pride, I would to carry the said provision into execution. By his overruling providence, a door was opened for the introduc- vote for this bill. If I wished to bring about collision and discord between the federal and state authorities; but ation of those implements of husbandry; and at this day, bove all, if I had it most at heart to embroil the adminis were Washington living, he would find that his expec-tration just coming into power, and to embarrass their tations and wishes were realized. He would rejoice, and those who compassionated the Indians with him would rejoice, to see that the Cherokees have in a great measure become herdsmen and cultivators. Where they were accustomed to hunt the deer, the bear, and the beaver, are seen their farms; and they labor peaceably, for the troubles of warfare do not now molest But we cannot enumerate all the dealings of God to-government, let us at least endeavor to emulate the vir tues of the Roman despots, since we will copy their wards us in a temporal point of view. They are gra- crimes. It never entered into the head of Tiberius himcious, and to our minds would convey the belief that he self, that perfect model of a tyrant, to levy toll's upon the But what are his dealbas mercy still in store for us. Appian or Emilian. Sir, when these gates shall be erectings in a spiritual point of view! "If the Lord was pleased within her territory, it will be the bounden duty of the ed to destroy us, he would not have showed us all these things, nor would, as at this time, have told us such commonwealth of Virginia to abate the nuisance. This things as these." We have heard great things indeed: must bring her into a direct collision with the federal You leave her no alternative,-for submission salvation by Jesus Christ. To what purpose has God Power. opened the hearts of Christians of different denomina- cannot be endured even in supposition. I shall pursue tions to commisserate not only the Cherokees, but all the subject no farther, it is too painful to be dwelt upthe other tribes? To what purpose are contributions [We have not yet seen a copy of the bill which passed, freely made to support missionaries and schools? To what purpose is it that these missionaries meet with such but intend to give it a place. We presume that it does remarkable success, and that preachers are arising from not COMPEL any one to travel on the road nor forbid the among the Cherokees themselves? To what purpose is making of a rival road, that persons may go to church or it that hundreds have made a public profession of religion, elections, and escape the toll. We take this occasion to and that the number is rapidly increasing? To what say, that, on many accounts, we are desirous that this purpose is it that the knowledge of letters has been dis-road should remain toll free-but if it must be lost to seems that it must, without levyseminated with a rapidity unknown heretofore; and public usefulness, as that eight hundred copies of a Cherokee hymn book is ing a light toll for the only and simple purpose of keepnow issuing from our press? What do all these indicate? ing it in repair, we think that the "general welfare, Do they indicate the displeasure of God against us, and will over balance all notions of "state rights" involved in the matter. If the road is a public benefit, though the certainty of our extinction? It is not for man to pry subject to the payment of tolls, it will be thankfully used into the designs of God, where he has not expressly revealed them; but from past blessings we may hope for--and not otherwise.] future mereies. The causes which have operated to exterminate the Indian tribes, that are produced as instances of the certain doom of the whole aboriginal family, appear plain to us. These causes did not exist in the Indians themselves nor in the will of Heaven, nor simply in the intercourse of Indians with civilized man; but they were precisely such causes as are now attempted by the states of Georgia; by infringing upon their rights; by disorganizing them, and circumscribing their limits. While he possesses a national character there is hope for the Indian; but take his rights away, divest him of the last spark of national pride, and introduce him to a new order of things; invest him with oppressive laws, grievous to be borne, he droops like the fading flower before the noon day sun. Most of the northern tribes have fallen a prey to such causes; and the Catawbas of South Carolina are a striking instance of the trut of what we say. There is hope for the Cherokees as long as they continue in their present situation; but disorganize them, either by removing them beyond the Mississippi, or by imposing on them "heavy burdens," you cut a vital string in their national existence. Things will no doubt come to a final issue before long in regard to the Indians; and for our part we care not on. BALTIMORE AND OHIO RAIL ROAD. In the house of representatives of the U. S. on Feb. 21, the following report was made: The committee on roads and canals, to which was referred the memorial of the Baltimore and Ohio raí road company, REPORT, That this company was incorporated by an act of the legislature of Maryland, in Febuary, 1827, which has since been confirmed by the states of Virginia and Pennsylvania, through which it is supposed the road will pass in its progress to the Ohio river. The company was organised in April, 1827.-The capital stock of the company consists of four million of dollars, three of which have been subscribed by private individuais, and the fourth bythe state of Maryland and the city of Baltimore. On this stock there has been paid by instalments seven and a half per centum, and a further call of 24 per centum payable on the 10th of March next, has been in a great measure anticipated. The execution of the work was commenced on the 4th of July last, and has progressed with unusual spirit and activity. The graduation and bridging on twenty-five miles of the most expensive and difficult part of the of either company, an additional incentive to those already mentioned, will be presented for an union of interests and operations between all parties, by which will be attained with still greater certainty, the great object-a communication between the eastern and western navigable waters. route is under active operation, and is in a successful train | bring with it, prove unfavorable to the plans and objects of execution. An improved rail road car of recent invention has been put in operation on the temporary railways constructed for the removal of earth for the graduation of the road, which promises the most important and beneficial results in the diminution of the power necessary for the transportation of heavy burdens on rail roads. The highest estimate made of the cost of this work has been $20,000 per mile, and the experience of the company, we are assured, proves that it cannot exceed and will most probably fall short of this sum. The distance from the city of Baltimore to the river Ohio may vary from 300 to 350 miles, so that the whole cost of executing this magnificent enterprise will not perhaps exceed seven millions of dollars. In examining the charter of the rail road company, the committee are aware that the provision prohibiting any other company or person from travelling upon or using any of the roads of the company without its license, seems to render it obnoxious to the charge of a close monopoly; but they have considered that in the transportation of all property on the rail way, wagons of a particular and uniform construction only must be used, each having a proper adaption to the rail and that this consideration, with others which might be given, may require such a provision in the charter-the committee see no cause of The interests of the comalarm from this restriction. The committee believe that this work if successfully executed will greatly promote the interests of the union, and will be of national importance in reference to our great military and commercial operations, and as a means for the safe and speedy transmission of the mail. Indi-pany will at all times, be best promoted by consulting that viduals who have acquired their estates by industry and of the public. Time and experience will disclose the meprudence have invested millions in the stock of this com-thods by which the great and paramount interests of the pany. Associated with the venerable names of Charles community can be most effectually subserved, and there Carroll, of Carrollton, are found the names of many gen-can be no doubt but that the same patriotic views which tlemen of wealth, high character and great enterprise. prompted this undertaking will lead to the adoption of It can hardly be thought necessary for the committee to such regulations as shall prove best calculated to secure enter into a long argument or statistical detail of facts to a safe, cheap and speedy communication. prove the advantages which will be derived from the When the Chesapeake and Ohio canal and the Balti successful completion of this work. When we advert more and Ohio rail road, shall both have been completto the various agricultural productions of the great sec-ed to the point of their junction below Harper's Ferry, tions of our country to be connected by this road,-to the relative advantages of each will be fully demonstratheir exhaustless mines of iron and coal.-their forests ted and no doubt is entertained by the committee but and quarries, and to the amount of foreign and domestic that their interests may be harmonized. The common merchandise necessary for their supply, no doubt can be object of both by which the great interests of the entertained but that the interest of the nation requires nation are to be advanced is to open the best practithat the facilities of transportation between them, should cable communication between the Chesapeake bay and be increased by every practicable means. the great valley of the Mississippi. The hope is enterWhen corporations and individuals go before us in the tained that these companies will co-operate in effecting execution of works, truly national in their character and by their united means this great enterprise in which the objects, this government will not withhold its aid when prosperity of the whole nation is so deeply involved. If we thus most effectually promote the diffusion of intelli- experience shall justify the opinion that the rail road will gence, secure the rapid movement and concentration of furnish greater practical advantages than the canal, the troops and military stores in war, extend the commerce committee would cheerfully recommend a liberal approof the states, and give permanency to the union. We priation to the stock of the company, but as the compleshould be urged to aid in that and similar works, when tion of a part of the work before the next session of conassured of their practicability from the consideration that gress will it is hoped realize in its advantages the wishes the territory which will soon contain more than half the and expectations of the company, the committee defer restates in this union is separated from the seat of the na-porting a bill or substituting any proposition on the subtional government, by a rough and mountainous region,ject at this late period of the session. They are the more over which we have not constructed even a road on which readily reconciled to this delay (the result of necessity} we can with any reasonable safety and expedition trans-from the circumstance that this enterprising association, mit the mail, or convey to our Atlantic cities the rich and various productions of the west. proceeding as they appear to have done with a caution PANAMA INSTRUCTIONS. The committee have witnessed with regret the legal controversy which unfortunately exists between the rail road company and the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, and which they believe might easily be settled to the mutual interest of the parties, by the cultivation of a proper spirit and a disposition to promote by the most efficient means the great interests of the country, independent of local jealousies and competition. In the favorable views entertained of the proposed rail road, the committee have not lost sight of the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, of which congress has expressed its decided approbation by various acts, and for the construction of which a liberal appropriation has been made; nor in any "Resolved, That the president of the United States aid by which they propose to quicken the energies of the association, would they in any manner compromit the in- be requested to communicate to the senate, confiden terests of the other. It has been suggested that the right tially, and in its executive character, copies of the instruc acquired by the Chesapeake and Ohio canal company, to tions given to the ministers of the United States to construct a rail road from Cumberland across the moun- the congress of Panama, and of the communications tains to the west, precludes the rail road company of the other governments represented at that confrom constructing a similar work, under their subsequent gress, to the government of the United States, or so charter, between the same points. While the commit-much thereof as may be communicated without detriment tee do not at this time feel themselves called upon to ex- to the public interest." press any opinion upon this question, it is, perhaps, not to be regretted, that the delay induced by other causes will afford ample opportunities for such surveys and examinations to be made as shall demonstrate the practicability or inexpediency of these works in a manner satisfactory to the respective companies, and thus conduce to the best interests of the public; and should the result of such examinations and the experience which time will [The words first italicised were inserted during the debate, and those last in italics, or words to that effect, were, of course, stricken out.] Mr. Tazewell, said he should like to hear some reason why, at this late period of the session, this subject, formerly productive of so much excitement and discussion, was again brought forward, Mr. Webster said it was for the very reason indi- the information connected with the subject; but only cated in the remark of the senator from Virginia, for so much as, in the opinion of the president, that he had offered the resolution. The subject of might be communicated without injury to the pubthe Panama mission, while it lasted, was highly in- lic service. It was true that this was a discretion neteresting. It would be very interesting to know the cessary to be exerted by the president in all cases results of that mission, so far as it had any results. where a public call was made for documents conHis object was simply, as stated in the resolution, to nected with the diplomatic relations of the country, make public all the proceedings of the executive on but this only demonstrates the necessity of making this matter, if they could be published without pre- the call under circumstances which will entitle the judice to the public interest. It was a transaction senate to receive all the information connected with that had passed by, and become a part of the diplo-the subject, thus enabling us to determine, according matic history of the country. He had nothing in to our discretion, whether the whole may not be view except information, and there would be no ex-made public without detriment to the interests of the pense, except that of the publication. country. He would not be satisfied, in this case, Mr. Tazewell replied, that it was of little conse-with being told that it was not to be presumed, that, quence what the object was, the course pursued was in making this communication to congress, the preincorrect. Here was a president who had only three sident would not exercise his discretion discreetly, days to serve, and the senate were required to make prudently, and honestly. It was sufficient that, as a call upon him for important public documents, rethe resolution now stood, the public might be prelating to the foreign intercourse of the country, and sented with an imperfect and partial view of the which had never been published. He thought it subject. It may be that a portion of the instrucbetter to wait a few days, and then make a call upon tions and communications cannot be prudently pubthe then executive. These instructions might con-lished; and it may also happen that the suppression tain matter which it was improper to have go be of these parts may present an imperfect or a garfore the public: they related to the policy of the bled view of the subject, one calculated to make a country, which it would not, perhaps, be prudent to false impression on the public mind. In matters of expose to the eyes of other nations. He objected to opinion, man, with the best intentions and entirely the call being made at this time, because, if import-free from party feelings, may be led into errors. ant secrets should be brought to light, the responsi- The president may think on this subject very diffebility of the course would not light upon the present rently from the senate. He may deem communicaexecutive, and might embarrass the next. He ob- tions unimportant which the senate may suppose to jected to the manner in which the resolution was ex-be very material, or he may believe that matters pressed. It was left to the judgment of the president to say how much of the instructions should be made public, after all the responsibility had been removed from him, and he could publish just as much or just as little as he pleased. He thought it more proper for the next administration to make the selection, when they would bear the responsibility of their own acts. He considered it incorrect, and dangerous. cannot be safely disclosed, which we may consider altogether harmless, and, perhaps, indispensable to the clear understanding of the whole subject. What is the result of our own experience in the very case before us? When the Panama mission was first brought before the senate, the president communicated certain documents and information, which he considered all that was necessary to give a full view of the character and objects of the mission. Now Mr. Webster said he saw no good reason why the it so happened that that portion of the senate with motion should not be made now, as well as three which it was his pride to have acted on that occadays hence. The senator from Virginia seemed to sion, did believe that very material information was go upon the ground that the same discretion would withheld-information which was drawn out by the no the exercised by the present executive, as calls subsequently made on the executive, and which, would be exercised, three days hence, by the next. in his opinion, entirely changed the aspect of the This he did not believe: for the executive was as affair. The truth is, that the Panama mission, as much bound to answer the call of the senate for in- presented to the senate by the first message of the formation at the present time, as at any other, and to president, was a measure of a very different characexercise its discretion. The object was, as he had ter from that which was, at a later period, presented stated, simply that the executive might have an op-to this house, and which differed still more from the portunity to publish these instructions, as a vindica- same measure when it got into the house of represention of its own conduct, in a measure, upon which tatives. And who could tell what may be its charits policy had not only been doubted, but its mo- acter as disclosed by the communications which may tives had been very much censured, and very much now be made in auswer to this call. The object of assailed. The injunction of secrecy having been every gentleman ought to be to disclose the whole removed from the proceedings of the senate, the truth. He, therefore, protested against any cali on views of the senators who opposed it, and the mes- the executive which should fall short of a full dissages of the executive upon the subject, had long closure of every fact, and a communication of every since been made public. Now, he wished the in-document connected with the subject. When these structions given to the ministers should be revealed, and then the whole facts would be placed before the people, for them to judge. He could see no objec. tion to this. The resolution, as a means of getting the information, was a common course; it was proposed in the common manner, and it seemed to be but an act of common justice that the administration should be allowed the opportunity of setting them selves right in the estimation of the public. He called for the ayes and noes upon the adoption of the resolution. should be communicated, the senate would be able to form an opinion whether the whole could be made public without injury to the public service, and, if not, whether the publication of any part could take place, without conveying an erroneous impression of the facts. He had no objection to the publication of every thing connected with the Panama mission, feeling, as he did, the perfect assurance that the more the subject was discussed and examined, the more clearly it would appear that it was a wild, visionary, or dangerous project. But it was obvious Mr. Hayne objected to the resolution on account that the resolution, now before the senate, restricted of its terms, and also because it properly belonged as it is, puts every thing in the power of the presito the executive business of the senate, and ought dent, and leaves it to his discretion to bring the subto be submitted to the senate when acting in its exe-ject before the world in any way he may think procutive capacity. The resolution did not call for all per. To this, from the experience of the senate on this subject, he for one was not willing to give his as- be the result? Are you to take up this business sent. For the purpose, therefore, of enabling the again, and follow it through all the mutations of the senator from Massachusetts to bring this motion be-executive will? Are the "fears, felt or feigned," by fore the senate when acting in its executive charac those who opposed the Panama mission, to be proter thereby to enable us to receive all the documents nounced unfounded, because they are not justified connected with the subject in order that we may by the instructions given after those "fears, felt or exercise our own discretion in making the whole or feigned," were expressed? Are those instructions any part of it public, he would now move to lay the to be given to the public now, to expound what ocresolution on the table. curred six months before the instructions were writ This motion was withdrawn at the request of Mrten? I cannot speak intelligibly to the gentleman Webster. He said it was unnecessary to repeat the from Massachusetts. He was not in this body at object he had in view in introducing this resolution; the time alluded to. But my brethern, said Mr. T., he had already stated his motives, and he had not on my right and left, saw the monstrous project as anticipated the least objection to its passage. While it was first brought before us. the subject of the Panama mission was before con- Here, when the doors were closed, the president gress, great alarm had been spread through the coun- presented the project in one light, and subsequently try in relation to it. Great fears were either felt or modified it, and laid it before the house of represenfeigned, both in and out of congress, that the ob-tatives in another light. In an elaborate argument jects of the executive were not correct, that the before the house of representatives, he attempted to measure was unconstitutional, and the ministers ap-avoid the objections which the project had met with pointed might compromit the honor of the country. in this body. The instructions, framed with a full He wished to ascertain how far those fears were knowledge of all the objections urged against the justified; he cared not in what form the information was obtained: this was a common, and a convenient one. Gentlemen who had expressed their views and apprehensions, would not, surely, now that their fears had gone forth to the world under the sanction of their own names, now that the measure had produced all the effects it could produce upon the public, prevent those who thought differently from giving their views. While their fears in relation to these instructions had been published, gentlemen could not in justice keep the facts, the real instruc tions, locked up. He cared not for the time when the call was made; he hoped it would be made as soon as might be, and if gentlemen objected to the manner of the call, he was willing to meet all their views, if it was possible; he was willing the instructions should be required confidentially, and that the whole should be required; he, therefore, moved a modification of the resolution, by inserting "confidentially," and striking out the last clause. Mr. Hayne, said he preferred proceeding in the usual course. It was altogether an executive matter, and should be made and received in their executive character. Mr. Webster was willing to, and did modify the resolution still further, by the insertion of the words "in its executive character." Mr. Hayne said he would still prefer the ordinary course. He renewed his motion to lay the resolu tion on the table, but withdrew it at the request of Mr. Benton. Mr. Benton said he could conceive of no difficulty which would arise from the form of the call. The documents would be marked confidential, and would be opened in secret session. Mr Tazewell rose and remarked, that the original defect of the resolution could not be removed. He cared not in what form, or when it was moved, he would oppose it. The reason for the call was avowed to be to give the executive an opportunity to publish its views on a matter which has been discussed and was at an end. If the president wishes to make his views public let him do it. If he wist es to publish the documents let him do it. It would be necessary for us to pass this resolution if we wished to force from him documents which would inculpate him, and which he chose to keep back: but it is unnecessary for us to pass a resolution for the purpose of enabling him to publish documents which he might wish to publish. The objects is, to ease the president by the interposition of this body. The president having but two or three days of office, will feel but little responsibility for the effect of the publication; but shall we assist him to do it, who have six years of responsibility? But, if all this be done, what is to original project, are now proposed to be published, for the purpose of enlightening the public as to the real views of the executive. But will you get all the instructions? Shall we, with our eyes closed, ask for all the documents affecting the Panama mission? He presumed that the senator from Massachusetts knew no more than he as to the character of all these documents How, then, will he venture to open the bureau of the secretary of state and give publicity to its whole contents? In doing this, [said Mr T.] we would set an example which would be productive of infinite mischief hereafter. We were here arrayed in majority and minority. The administration supported by this minority was about to go out. The minority calls for fuel to keep alive the flame which party differences have excited. I care not, said Mr. T. how long the controversy is continued, nor how long the acrimonious feeling which it produced, and which he had hoped was subsided, shall prevail But he opposed the resolution on account of the injury which it would produce in our foreign concerns. The senator from Massachusetts must see that no good end can be attained by looking into the character of the congress of Panama He might as well própose to obtain the views of the president as to the character of some other bodies, at other times. The president had found no difficulty in tearing away the veil from some secret transactions, and he presumed that, when it should suit his purposes, he would find as little difficulty in bringing to the public view, without the aid of the senate, as much of the Panama project as he might see fit to publish. Mr. Webster said, that nothing was further from his expectation, than that a resolution calling for information, a motion so constitutional, so conforma. ble to the practice of both houses, and often so necessary, should have met with opposition, or produced debate He wished for no contention; he courted no controversy. He had no desire to create new, or to revive old topics of dispute. It had not occurred to him that any such consequence would naturally follow from this resolution; and it would not escape observation, that, after the modification of it had taken place, he had been asked to withdraw the call for the yeas and nays, upon the supposition, doubtless, that no opposition was intended. But the affair, it seems. had taken another turn. But, whatever course the discussion should take, he should not imitate the example of wandering into extraneous and irrelevant matter. Still less should be attack individuals, or allude to occurrences no way connected with this subject, for the purpose of making personal observations, or inflicting pain. He intended, in this and otner occasions, to discharge his public duties with decorum towards all public men, and with ab stinence from asperity and personal vituperation and reproach. As to the resolution itself common jus tice required its adoption The resolution, as originally framed, requested that the instructions to our ministers at Panama should be communicated to us, so far as the public service would properly allow them to be made public. This was the usual course. It was customary in re, and in relation to all negotiations, either pending or closed. How long was it since a member from Maine had made a similar call for the correspondence of our commissioners under the treaty of Ghent? This call had been made for the purpose of publishing that correspondence, although it related to a question of great importance still pending, nevertheless, it was readily acceded to, or, according to usage, it was limited by reference to the discretion of the president dent himself publish them? He did not know that the president wished them published. Whether he did or not. was wholly in material This motion was not made for the president, but for the country. It was to enable the people to see the real character of a mission, about which so much had been said. And it was some what singular. he thought, that gentlemen should refuse all opportunity to make the president's instructions public, who had taken care to make their own speeches (delive ed in closed doors) against the mission public. The member from Vir. ginia himself had favored, not only the senate, but the country, with his objections to the mission. After long debate in the senate, the injunction of secrecy had been removed, and the debate published. These speeches had long been before the country; and was it not fair now to have a sight of the conduct of the executive itself? Gentlemen said the executive was instructed by their discussion; and that the instructions will not show the original objects of the mission. But how could this be known till the instructions were seen? All that was matter of arguGentlemen seem to wish the public judgment to be formed, with their own views made known, while those of the executive should be kept secret. The people were to form an opinion of the president's objects and intentions, not from the instructions given by himself to the ministers, but from the conjectures, the surmises, the imputations, of his opponents! All these last were to be spread abroad; while so plain an act of justice as to let the presi dent speak for himself, through his instructions, was to be refused. Did gentlemen so much fear confutation from these instructions? Were they so apprehensive that wheresoever these instructions should see the light, the whole fabric of their opposition to the mission would vanish? Did they feel safer to combat in the dark, than in the light? They had seen no harm in making their own views of this mission public. How is it that they now see so much harm in making equally public the views of others? For his own part, he felt confident that this parade of opposition would not answer its end With the same limitation, he had now moved this resolution, and it had been immediately objected to. To remove all objection, he had then so modified it as to require the information to be communicated confidentially, so that the senate itself might judgement. what part could be properly published. But, although this seemed, for the moment, satisfactory to every body, yet now it is opposed with the same earnest ness as before. He had been asked, by the member from Virginia, if he had seen the instructions? He was willing to answer, and he answered that he had not. He had been asked again, as if that could be possibly a proper question on such an occasion, if the president wished the instructions published? To which, also, he was willing to answer, that he knew nothing of the president's wishes on the subject. He had called for these instructions on the ground that this was a proper time to make them public. The occasion had passed by. The mission had become a part of the political history of the country It had been a question which had much divided the opinions of public men. Was any thing more just or proper than that now the country should have a full view of the whole subject? To what end does the member from Virginia declare, with such emphasis, and enforce with so much repetition, that there are majori-people will naturally desire to see the instructions ties and minorities on this door? Does he wish given to our ministers. It will be esteemed but just rather to rally a party, than to take the sober judg- to publish them, now that the occasion is passed, and ment of the senate on this question? Does he mean. he mission itself has become matter of history. when other arguments fail. to accomplish his end by After all that had been said of majorities and minortalking of parties, and of the propriety of majorities ities, he trusted that the senate would feel it due to resisting motions made by those in the minority? its own character, to its own sense of justice and Was it the members object to preserve strong lines propriety, and to the country, to accede to the resoof distinction between majorities and minorities? !ution-since, sooner or later, the country would reCertainly it was the ordinary effect of such a tone of quire the publication of what is now requested. argument as had now been resorted to, to preserve such lines; and if what was both just in itself. and according to uniform practice, was to be resisted by the argument of majorities and minorities, distinc. tions of that kind were very likely to prevail, unless, indeed, individuals should, ere long, undertake the task of thinking and acting for themselves-an event. he hoped, not yet to be despaired of. The Mr. Benton would vote differently on this occasion from what he would if the present administration were to continue in power. If they were to continue, he would struggle to the uttermost to have all the instructions communicated confidentially to the senate: those who had opposed the mission to Panama might also have an opportunity of endeavoring to get all they conceived material before the public. He had already said his original object had been But this administration was not to continue. It went to request the president to send all the instructions, out of power in three days. and could gain nothing or so much thereof as he thought might, with pro- by making an imperfect communication, for the new priety, be made public. This being o posed, because administration would immediately have it in its powit left the matter in the president's discretion, heer to show any thing that might be left behind If had altered his motion so as to ask for the whole, and it should turn out to be the fact that the president to request it to be sent confidentially. This was the present shape of the question If the instructions come here, they will be under our control We shall be able to judge what may safely be published. Are gentlemen afraid of this course? Dare they not trust the senate? Dare they not trust themselves? If the senate should refuse to publish anv part, still the motion will have been proper, because it was proper that the senate itself should see the instructions. It had been asked, why does not the presi had dropped, or modified, when he came to give his instructions, any of the objects originally communicated to the senate, it would be a high compliment to the nineteen senators who opposed the mission, and, for that reason, were so often denounced for a factious and unprincipled opposition. To authorise the publication (if the authority was necessary) seemed to be an act of courtesy, perhaps of justice, to a retiring administration; if a partial publication was made, it would be corrected in a few days; and no |