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In January 1784, Dr. Franklin obtained permission of Congress to return to this country, after having made repeated applications for this indulgence ;-one of which was addressed to the President of Congress as early as March 1781, and, besides the sentiments it contains, is a good specimen of the pleasing simplicity of style, for which this illustrious man was justly celebrated.

"I must now beg leave to say something relating to myself, a subject, with which I have not often troubled Congress. I have passed my seventy-fifth year, and find that the long and severe fit of the gout, which I had the last winter, has shaken me exceedingly, and I am yet far from having recovered the bodily strength I before enjoyed. I do not know that my mental faculties are impaired, perhaps I shall be the last to discover that, but I am sensible of a great diminution in my activity, a quality, I think, particularly necessary in your Minister for this Court. I am afraid, therefore, that your affairs may, some time or other, suffer by my deficiency. I find, also, that the business is too heavy for me, and too confining. The constant attendance at home, which is necessary for receiving and accepting your bills of exchange (a matter foreign to my ministerial functions); to answer letters, and perform other parts of my employment, prevents my taking the air and exercise, which my annual journeys formerly used to afford me, and which contributed much to the preservation of my health. There are many other little personal attentions, which the infirmities of age render necessary to an old man's comfort, even in some degree to the continuance of his existence; and with which business often interferes. I have been engaged in public affairs, and enjoyed public confidence in some shape or other, during the long term of fifty years, an honour sufficient to satisfy any reasonable ambition, and I have no other left than that of repose, which I hope the Congress will grant me, by sending some person to supply my place. At the same time, I beg they may be assured, that it is not any, the least, doubt of their success in the glorious cause, nor any disgust received in their service, that induces me to decline it, but purely and simply the reasons above mentioned. And as I cannot at present undergo the fatigues of a sea voyage (the last having been almost too much for me), and would not again expose myself to the hazard of capture and imprisonment in this time of war, I

purpose to remain here, at least, till the peace, perhaps it may be for the remainder of my life,-and if any knowledge or experience I have acquired here may be thought of use to my successor, I shall freely communicate it, and assist him with any influence I may be supposed to have, or counsel that may be desired of me."

Before Dr. Franklin's departure, he received from M. de Vergennes a letter, of which every one will acknowledge the just and appropriate character of the sentiments, though the form of the expressions is altogether heartless and officelike. "I have learnt with much concern your retiring, and approaching departure for America. You should not doubt but that the regrets you will leave, will be proportionate to the consideration, you so justly enjoy. I can assure you, sir, that the esteem the King entertains for you, leaves you nothing to desire, and that his Majesty will learn, with real satisfaction, that your fellow citizens have rewarded, in a manner worthy of you, the important services you have rendered them. I beg, sir, that you will preserve me a share in your remembrance, and never doubt of the sincerity I take in your happiness. It is founded on the sentiments of attachment of which I have assured you, and with which I have the honour to be," &c.

Dr. Franklin had the uncommon honour and good fortune

*Extract of a letter from John Jay, &c. "Madrid, 21st April 1781. (Private.)-By the letter from Dr. Franklin, herewith enclosed, and which he was so obliging as to leave open for my perusal, I find he has requested permission to retire, on account of his age, infirmities, &c. How far his health may be impaired, I know not. The letters I have received from him bear no marks of age, and there is an acuteness and sententious brevity in them, which do not indicate an understanding injured by years. I have many reasons to think our country much indebted to him, and I confess it would mortify my pride as an American, if his constituents should be the only people, to whom his character is known, that should deny his merit and services the testimony given them by other nations. Justice demands of me to assure you, that his reputation and respectability are acknowledged, and have weight here, and that I have received from him, all that uniform attention and aid, which was due to the importance of the affairs committed to me."

of taking a principal part in forming the two most important treaties made by America ;-the treaty of Alliance and Commerce with France, and the first treaty with England, in which the mother country acknowledged the independence of these United States. His name stands on both these instruments. His long residence in France, it is well known, was agreeable to the French court, though we have never been able to ascertain the grounds of a remark, often made, that this arrangement was effected by the intrigues of M. de Vergennes, who found Dr. Franklin more obsequious than either of his colleagues. Dr. Franklin was named Envoy at the Court of Versailles with uncommon propriety. He was the oldest Commissioner in Europe, advanced in life, and on account of his great celebrity in philosophy, undoubtedly possessed considerable influence. He was employed to much

more advantage abroad, than he could have been at home, for he possessed talents, manners and address, exceedingly suitable to his station and the affairs in which he was engaged.

In March 1785, Thomas Jefferson was chosen Minister Plenipotentiary to succeed Dr. Franklin at the court of Versailles. Mr. Jefferson had been engaged in a great deal of important business at home; but before this period, had not been employed abroad, though elected to the commission for the peace with England.*

* During Mr. Jefferson's first residence in Paris, an individual, whose name is not given, waited on him, and informed him, that he had in his possession Mr. Silas Deane's letter-book and all his accounts, which he proposed to sell to the English Minister for 150 guineas. Mr. Jefferson examined the papers, and returned them, as he had no authority to make purchases of that sort ;—and was told by the person, that he should sell them to the British government. Having transmitted an account of this business to Congress, Mr. Jefferson subsequently received authority to buy the manuscripts, which he effected, by means of a friend in London, for 40 guineas. They were deposited in the Department of State. The individual was, no doubt, sent by Deane himself; and it is quite evident, that the British government did not consider the papers of any value; or, at least, not worth 40 guineas.

CHAPTER III.

TREATY OF 1782 WITH THE NETHERLANDS.

Second power to make a Treaty with United States-War between United Provinces and England-Causes-Lee, failing at Berlin, enters secretly into a correspondence with the Regency of Amsterdam -not suspected by Sir Joseph Yorke—Early correspondence between Van Berckel and commissioners-Lee agrees, at Frankfort, on a Treaty with Neufville-Secret discovered by capture of Laurens— Amstersdam richest City in Europe-Laurens's letters from Tower of London-Laurens chosen to Holland—Subsequently Adams—His letters from Holland-States General very dilatory in recognising Independence-Three classes of Treaties—Remarks on National Law -Neutral Rights badly defined-United States first commercial rival of England-Other nations rivals in war—. -Mr. Adams concludes a Treaty, and makes Loans-Van Berckel appointed Minister to United States.

THE government of the United Netherlands,* was the second power in Europe, that made a treaty with the Unit

* The reader will observe, that this kingdom, as now constituted, did not exist, until the year 1814; it is one of the creations of the treaties of Paris, and of Vienna. The treaty of Paris, of May of that year, assigned to Holland, placed under the government of the House of Orange Nassau, an addition of territory. To this dominion, the Allied Sovereigns, at the time they were in London, in the summer of 1814, annexed Belgium.-(Schoell, vol. x. p. 534.) The limits of this kingdom were afterwards defined, in the 2d article of the treaty of Vienna, of May 1815.—(Recueil des Pieces Officielles, &c. vol. viii. p. 309.) In the time of the American Revolution, Belgium, (la Belgique,) a modern French name, (Belgica Gallia,) for what was called, in English geography, the Netherlands, or the Low Countries, was divided into French, Dutch, and Austrian Flanders, and did not exist as a separate government. The treaty of 1782 was made with that part of the present kingdom of the Netherlands, called, in the treaty of Paris of 1814, Holland. It is well known, in history, by the title of the States General, or Seven United Provinces of Holland.

ed States, though not actually signed, till the year 1782, towards the close of the revolution; but with the exception of France, America derived more aid from Holland, in the shape of military stores, and money, and by obtaining protection for her vessels in the Dutch West Indies, than any other state in Europe.

The connexion of Holland with America, the severity with which England exercised her great power on the ocean, in relation to convoys, contrabands, and the privileges of the neutral flag, in the beginning of the contest with the colonies, produced a feeling of extreme irritation and jealousy; and ultimately led, in 1780, to a declaration of hostilities, on the part of the latter government. An English writer has explained, in a full and able manner, the cause of this war, an event, in which the United States were, at the time, greatly interested. We cannot do better than extract a portion of his remarks; though a proper allowance should be made, for the warmth with which the author vindicates the acts of his government, and the principles of English maritime law :

"At the commencement of hostilities between Great Britain and her colonies, Holland, in conformity with the conduct of other European powers, forbad the export of ammunition and stores for one year; but, when the success of the colonists, and the declaration of independence, afforded flattering hopes of acquiring a portion of that commerce, which the English had hitherto monopolized, Holland began to grasp at the advantage, and encouraged an illicit trade with America. Every motive arising from long and beneficial alliance, similarity in religion, and political interests, combined to deter Holland from a mode of conduct, repugnant from the interests of Great Britain; but a faction, in the French interest, and inimical to the Stadtholder, influenced all the proceedings of government. The open encouragement, afforded to American privateers, in the Dutch West India islands, occasioned a long correspondence, which terminated in the delivery of a spirited memorial by Sir Joseph Yorke, the British ambassador at the Hague. The States General returned an humble and complying answer, denying an intention to recognise the independence of America,

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