Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, having, soon after the organization of Congress, given notice in the Senate of his intention to introduce a bill for the establishment of a territorial government in California, Deseret, and New Mexico, and for other purposes, after consultation with his friends, came to the conclusion to postpone immediate action in this respect, and in lieu thereof offered a resolution, on the 29th December, 1849, declaring it to be the duty of Congress, at this present session, to establish such governments. On a subsequent day, however, (January 16th) he obtained leave to introduce a bill "to provide for the organization of a territorial government in California, Deseret, and New Mexico, to enable the people of Jacinto, with the assent of Texas, to provide a constitutional state government, and for the admission of such state into the Union upon an equal footing with the original states, in all respects whatever." On the same day, Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, reported a bill, from the judiciary committee of the Senate, providing for the more effectual execution of those provisions of the constitution of the United States which relate to, the delivery of fugitive slaves. On the 17th January, a resolution, offered by Mr. Clemens, of Alabama, was called up. It was as follows: "Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to inform the Senate, as early as practicable, whether any person has been by him appointed civil or military governor of California since the 4th day of March last; and, if so, who has so been appointed, and what compensation has been allowed him." Upon this resolution an exciting debate arose, in which Messrs. Clemens, Douglas, King, Davis, Downs, Dickinson, and others took a part. The remarks of Mr. Dickinson on this occasion were applauded by the whole nation, as evincing a truly patriotic and American spirit, and which, whilst they rebuked political agitators, were calculated to assuage the bitterness of party strife and rally the people in support of the Union. The sensation every where produced by the remarks, was a strong indication of public sentiment outside of the capitol, and we may therefore exhibit the tone of public opinion at that period by a short extract from the speech itself: "The northern sentiment," said Mr. Dickinson, "upon the subject of slavery is in many respects entirely dissimilar to those of the south; but when we are told that there must be a sectional issue raised because of this, let the voice which so declares come from the north or from the south, I stand here to repudiate it. The people of the north regard the question of slavery as a constitutional guarantee, precisely as do the people of the south, and as such are ready to respect it. It is the political agitators in both. sections, who have made all the mischief. Sir, take a small number of men out of the northern, and also out of the southern sections of this Union, or silence their clamour, and this accursed agitation could be settled in less than a single week. I am for maintaining the Union in spirit as well as in form; and I have deprecated the assaults which I have seen made upon the constitution occasionally in the non-slaveholding states, in the refusal to deliver fugitives from service according to a solemn provision of that instrument. But this, sir, I look upon as a matter which must be reformed at home, as it will be by a sound and healthy public opinion, when it shall set a just estimate upon the interference of political agitators, and condemn a morality that is purer than the fundamental law. But I will not even dwell upon the alleged errors of any section of my country. If she has ever been astray, rather than contemplate it, I would, like the son of the erring patriarch, walk backward, and cast the mantle of concealment over it. I desire to preserve in all its vigour the glorious inheritance which our fathers gave us; to see the south secure in the full possession and enjoyment of their constitutional rights. I have stood by them when I thought them right, regardless of peril, and will now aid in shielding them from unjust and improper aggressions upon their institutions. In this struggle, numerically, they are the weaker party, and when I have seen them unjustly assaulted and assailed my sympathies have been with them; and I have exposed and denounced not only the sectional agitators, but have warned those against excitement whose views and intentions are just, but who have been provoked to retaliation by just such wholesale sectional assaults as are now heaped upon the north by the senator from Alabama. Sir, crimination begets recrimination; and although men may put on the garb of philosophy for an occasion, they are yet liable to be betrayed by impulse and excitement; and when they hear distinguished southern men day after day making sectional appeals, grouping all together and condemning all in gross, without stint or exception, they, in their turn, will make other declarations, and thus the work goes on. One sectional agitator begets another; a blow given brings a blow in return, and thus sectional agitation makes the meat it feeds on. I have already said I regretted that this subject has been introduced. Allow me to say, that I do not regret that it is about to reach its culminating point. I care not how soon this may be the case. I believe that the great mass of the people of the south are honest, just, and generous, and that all they desire is to remain secure in the possession of their rights. I believe, too, sir, that the great mass of the people of the north are equally just and equally generous, and true to the constitution, and that they, too, desire nothing more than what they deem to be their rights, and the rights of the whole people, and best calculated to advance the honour of the confederacy and the interest and happiness of mankind. This question shoots too deep and stretches too high to be measured by political parties; and when the day of trial comes, if come it does, every patriotic man will breast himself for the shock, and sectional agitators will be foiled. The constitution throws its broad ægis over this mighty republic, and its people worship at its shrine with more than an eastern devotion. They have contemplated the priceless value of the Union. They have thought of the blood and tears by which it was purchased. They see the proud vessel bearing majestically onward, and they exclaim in the language of the poet: 'Thou, too, sail on, O ship of state! Were shaped the anchors of thy hope.' They will cheer on this noble ship; they will stand by this constitution; they will adhere to this Union; and although the northern people are opposed to the institution of slavery, the great mass of them have no intention or disposition to trench improperly upon the constitutional rights of the south. And this they will prove, should the occasion arise, even though they should sell their lives in her defence. Sir, if it should come to the worst, as it never will, so firmly are the northern people devoted to the constitution, that if armed incendiarism, foreign or domestic, should push her mad crusade against the south, and she be placed in peril, I am free to declare, I would, and so I believe would every patriotic man of the free states who had a sword to draw, draw it in the defence of their southern brethren, and of the rights guarantied to them by a common compact, and stand by them to the death. (Applause.) But, sir, they will only stand by the south when she is right; and so long as she is so, no sword will be called in requisition, except against a foreign and common foe. The very heat, natural and artificial, to which sectional agitation has attained, will work its own cure. It will burn itself out. Northern agitators and southern agitators will find themselves side by side in their errand of mutual mischief. And the great mass of the American people will look upon this Union as it is, and upon southern rights and northern rights as they are, and will stand by them and protect them." CHAPTER II. The compromise resolutions of Mr. Clay, in February....Mr. Clay's remarks.... Continuation of the debate by the northern and southern members....Message of the President, transmitting the constitution of California.... Resistance of southern gentlemen in both houses.... The advocates for the admission.... Mr. Calhoun's address.... Mr. Webster's speech. Early in February, Mr. Clay presented, in the Senate, a series of resolutions, which, after premising the desirableness for the peace, concord, and harmony of the union of the states, of a settlement and amicable adjustment of all existing questions of controversy between them, arising out of the institution of slavery, proposed the following compromise: "1. That California, with suitable boundaries, ought, upon her application, to be admitted as one of the states of this Union, without the imposition, by Congress, of any restriction in respect to the exclusion or introduction of slavery within those boundaries. 2. That, as slavery does not exist by law, and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory acquired by the United States from the republic of Mexico, it is inexpedient for Congress to provide by law, either for its introduction into, or exclusion from any part of the said territory; and that appropriate territorial government ought to be established by Congress in all of the said territory not assigned as the boundaries of the proposed. state of California, without the adoption of any restriction or condition on the subject of slavery. 3. That the western boundary of the state of Texas ought to be fixed on the Rio del Norte, commencing one marine league from its mouth, and running up that river to the southern line of New Mexico; thence with that line eastwardly, and so continuing in the same direction to the line as established between the United States and Spain, excluding any portion of New Mexico, whether lying on the east or west of that river. 4. That it be proposed to the state of Texas, that the United States will provide for the payment of all that portion of the legitimate and bona fide public debt of that state, contracted prior to its annexation to the United States, and for which the duties on foreign imports were pledged by the said state to its creditors, not exceeding the sum of $, in consideration of the said duties so pledged having been no longer applicable to that object after the said annexation, but having thenceforward became payable to the United States; and upon the condition, also, that the said state of Texas shall, by some solemn and authentic act of her legislature or of a convention, relinquish to the United States any claim which it has to any part of New Mexico. 5. That it is inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, whilst that institution continues to exist in the state. of Maryland, without the consent of that state, without the consent of the people of the district, and without just compensation to the owners of slaves within the district. 6. That it is expedient to prohibit within the district the slave trade in slaves brought into it from states or places beyond the limits of the district, either to be sold therein as merchandise or to be transported to other markets without the District of Columbia. 7. That some effectual provision ought to be made by law, according to the requirement of the constitution, for the restitution and delivery of persons bound to service or labour in any state, who may escape into any other state or territory in the Union. 8. That Congress has no power to prohibit or obstruct the trade in slaves between the slaveholding states; but that the admission or exclusion of slaves brought from one into another of them, depends, exclusively, upon their own particular laws." On the 5th of February, the debate on these resolutions was opened by Mr. Clay, in a speech of great power, in which, after deprecating the evil influences of passion and party, and calmly reviewing the past history and present aspect of the slavery question, he proceeded to explain the plan of compromise he had felt it incumbent on him to submit to the consideration of the Senate and of the country; concluding with a highly wrought eulogium on the benefits and blessings of the Union, and an impassioned adjuration to every good citizen and enlightened patriot to sustain its integrity and perpetuate its supremacy. He thus forcibly portrayed the consequences of a dissolution of the confederacy: "Such is the Union, and such are the glorious fruits which are now threatened with subversion and destruction. Well, sir, the first question which naturally arises is, supposing the Union to be dissolved for any of the causes or grievances which are complained of, how far will dissolution furnish a remedy for those grievances? If the Union is to be dissolved for any existing cause, it will be because slavery is interdicted, or not allowed to be introduced into the ceded territories; or because slavery is |