the partner whose benefits they receive. Indeed, ever since the war began, we have fought Ireland's battle as well as our own, and we have flattered her absurdly for each scrap of grudging help that she has given us. We have protected her with a careful hand against the necessary hardships of war. While we in England and Scotland limit our desires cheerfully, Ireland knows no restraint. She fleets the time pleasantly as in a golden age. If she has a fancy for whippetcoursing it is instantly gratified. Horse-races and cock-fights are provided her to mitigate the dulness of life. She knows not the tedium of rations nor the lack of petrol. Her rebels have been permitted to make their triumphal progresses in costly motor-cars. And hitherto travelling by railroad has not been discouraged by the imposition of higher fares. What has Ireland given us in exchange for these many privileges?-rebellion, malice, and murder. England has a short memory, and is too careless to nurse a grievance; but Easter Day is not yet quite forgotten-that day on which the Irish chose to show their "power" and "patriotism" by killing English soldiers in cold blood and by taking pot-shots at harmless oitizens. And even that diversion was permitted them. The handful which the Government arrested was presently enlarged and tricked out tricked out in new suits. And this brings us to the one solid grievance of Ireland: she needs to be governed firmly and justly, and our politicians are as much afraid of justice as of firmness. They forget that a country cannot be made happy by a policy of all rewards and no punishments. Messrs George and Duke did but carry on the baleful policy of Messrs Asquith and Birrell. They made themselves, by their neglect, the partners of rebellion; and even when they made a show of force, they did not mean it. After the German offensive in March, Mr Lloyd George introduced, all too late, a man-power bill, and he spoke proudly of the measure of conscription which he would impose, justly and properly, upon Ireland. We, like many others, were duped by the tone of his speech into believing him sincere. From that day to this nothing more has been heard, on the Government's part at least, of Irish conscription. We have merely been the witnesses of what inevitably happens. We have seen resumed, in one episode, the whole history of Ireland. On the side of the Government there have been bluster and timidity. It promised a miracle of fortitude, and it collapsed in fear. On the side of Ireland there have been anger, malice, and renewed rebellion. The bishops of the Roman Catholic Church threw themselves wildly into the fray, assured us that not one single Irishman should be taken to fight against Germany, and proved once more how dan- interest to reveal at present.' With a proper reticence the Government makes no more than a summary of the events since the Irish Rebellion of 1916. "A full statement," we are told, "of the facts and documents in possession of the Government would disclose the names of those who stood by the Government, and also the channels of communication through which the German Government was acting, which it would not be in the public Thus the train was laid, and by 1916 all was ready for the explosion. The messenger who had been sent to Ireland without a letter had had an excellent effect there, as we should expect. In a despatch of The failure of the Easter February 1916 Count Bern- Revolution did not damp their storff made a grateful acknow- ardour. The plottings with ledgment, and included also Germany never ceased. The an extract from a report of Revolution Director still inJohn Devoy, the head of the sisted that the rising must be Clan-na-Gael, saying that the contingent on the sending by rebellion could not long be Germany of "an expedition postponed since the leaders with a sufficient military force feared arrest. Mr Devoy, it to cover the landing." It appears, was ignorant of the was also proposed that subgeneral pusillanimity of the marine and Zeppelin bases British Government. How should be established on the ever, he declared that it was West of Ireland. Herr Zimdecided to begin the fight on mermann was obliged to refuse Easter Sunday, and he begged the aid of German troops, but that arms and ammunitions he promised that a supply of should be delivered in Lim- arms should be landed between erick. Herr von Jagow pro- February 21st and 25th, 1917. mised that the arms should Meanwhile, a stalwart Nationbe landed at the proper tine alist, who bears the good old in Tralee Bay. He likewise Erse name of de Valera, was promised, as the complaisant carrying the fiery cross up gentleman he is, that an air and down Ireland. "By proraid and a naval attack should perly organising recruiting," be delivered in England be said he, "they could have tween April 24 and 26, and 500,000 fighting volunteers in this part of the bargain was Ireland." But he saw no duly kept. The other part of chance of success in the near the bargain-the landing of future, except through a Gerarms-failed miserably, despite man invasion and the landing the liberal use of codes and of munitions in Ireland. "They of the private wireless stations should be prepared to leave which Ireland is permitted to nothing undone towards that install without let or hindrance. end." And six months ago However, the rebellion came, the same traitor announced we all know, on Easter that "so long as Germany is Monday, a day after the sched the enemy of England, and uled time. The Irish volunteers England the enemy of Ireland, were in close communication so long will Ireland be the with the German Government, friend of Germany." The Govand upon which of the two ernment, which knew perfectly well-matched parties lies the well what the man was doing burden of failure we need not and saying, left him at libertyinquire. At any rate, the Irish a piece of reckless levity which rebels had done their best to needs no comment. show their gratitude for the Wyndham Act. Indeed the Government cannot shelter itself at any time is "if useless bloodshed was to be avoided"! Is it possible to imagine a Government which did not count the avoidance of useless bloodshed among its duties? But where Ireland is concerned, the duty of Governments is obviously suspended. For four years the rebels in Ireland have conspired with Germany in the full light of day, and, except We for brief interval in prison, they have conspired without restraint or interference. behind ignorance. Its infor- What an excellent phrase it mation was accurate, and it seems to have followed the movements of the traitors with a detached curiosity. "The British authorities," 93 we are told, "were able to warn the Irish Command regarding the probable landing of an agent from Germany from a suba submarine. The agent actually landed on April 12, and was arrested." That the agent landed is not remarkable. cannot but be surprised that the British Government had the temerity to arrest him. However, what is plain is that the Sinn Feiners have for four years fought for Germany with all means in their power. They have aided in the establishment of submarine bases in Ireland, and have done their best to connive at the destruction of American transports. In the past they have condescended to accept whatever money America has been kind enough to send them, and no doubt they are proud of the currency in which they pay the debt. At last, then, the chief stirrersup of rebellion are under look and key; and it is characteristic of the British Government that it should assume a halfapologetic tone in announcing its desperate action. "In these circumstances," to quote the official statement, "no other course was open to the Government, if useless bloodshed was to be avoided and its duty to the Allies to be fulfilled, but to intern the authors and abettors of this criminal intrigue." Even now we are not told that the scoundrels, at last interned, will ever be brought to trial for their misdeeds. As they are Irish, they will probably be dismissed to their homes in nice new suits of olothes, entertained 28 heroes upon the Terrace of the House of Commons, or welcomed to Westminster as honoured members of our Legislature. And Ireland is said to have a grievance! The interned ones themselves have long ago been fitted with appropriate haloes. It is certain that every morning they gaze at their "intellectual" faces in the glass, and see the reflection of unselfish martyrdom. It is not for them to condemn treachery and dishonour. Nothing is sacred to them but their own silly egoism. And their silly egoism persuades them to demand that loyal Ulster should be placed beneath their heels. If justice be done after the war, the plain truth will be told that the rebels and their supporters are unfit to exercise a parliamentary vote of any kind, whether their elect sit in Dublin or in Westminster. Let them go to Berlin if they like, and be bullied by their friends. If we are wise, we shall not tolerate their interference in the government of Great Britain for many years to come. It is noteworthy, also, that no protest has come from Nationalist Ireland against the treachery of the Sinn Feiners. Whether the leaders of the Nationalist party were cognisant of Mr de Valera's action or not we do not know. They have not raised their voices in disapproval; with the extreme views of Sinn Fein they have openly sympathised. And if the Nationalist party is silent, the British Government is still irresolute and conciliatory. Having abandoned conscription, having appealed unsuccessfully for volunteers, it now comes forward with an offer and a bribe. Henceforth the rural population may regard itself as not "available for military purposes"; but if 50,000 heroic souls, gathered from "the large number of young men in the towns, far greater than is required to carry on the ordinary retail trade," will kindly come forward, they are assured that they need not go back to their counters after the war: each one of them shall receive a grant of land. Such is the last act in the tragic farce of Ireland. Why the number, 50,000, was chosen is not ex plained. It bears no relation either to Ireland's capacity of finding soldiers or to the needs of our army. Valera boasted that he could raise 500,000 men, and it is indeed a poor compliment to Ireland to take it for granted firstly that only one-tenth of her manhood is ready to fight against the Germans, and that even this modest number will not come forward unless & sufficient reward is offered. Thus is the carrot dangled before the nose of the donkey, and yet he won't run! Yet, as we have said, Ireland has a grievance, and this grievance is that for twelve years she has not known the benefit of any kind of government. She has been free to conspire and to rebel as she pleases, and she has exercised this freedom to the full. Our politicians have looked upon the plots, which are not concealed from them, with a complaisant tolerance, and they must share the responsibility with Sinn Fein. A little firmness four years ago, when the treachery began, might have saved much "useless bloodshed," which hypothetically the Government is willing to avoid. But there was and there is no sign of firmness. Since March the Government has decreed conscription, has appealed for volunteers, has bribed 50,000 men with offers of land, and perhaps next week it will gratefully place a coronet upon the head of each recruit. Only one advantage has come from the Government's pusillanimity: it is now |