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love in your kind remembrance of me upon this opportunity. Alas, you do too highly prize my lines, and my company! I may be ashamed to own your expressions, considering how unprofitable I am and the mean improvement of my talent. Yet to honour my God by declaring what he hath done for my soul, in this I am confident, and I will be so. Truly then this I find, that He giveth springs in a dry and barren wilderness, where no water is. I live (you know where) in Mesheck, which they say signifies prolonging; in Kedar, which signifieth blackness : yet the Lord forsaketh me not. Though He do prolong, yet He will, I trust, bring me to his tabernacle, to his resting place. My soul is with the congregation of the first born : my body rests in hope ; and if here I may honour my God, either by doing or suffering, I shall be more glad. Truly no poor creature hath more cause to put forth himself in the cause of his God than I. I have had plentiful wages before hand, and I am sure I shall never earn the least mite. The Lord accept me in his Son, and give me to walk in the light, and give us to walk in the light, as he is in the light: He it is that enlighteneth our blackness, our darkness. I dare not say he hideth his face from me; he giveth me to see light in his light. One beam in a dark place hath exceeding much refreshment in it; blessed be his name for shining upon so dark a heart as mine!"

This readiness to do and to suffer in a righteous cause might have been confined to the ignoble theatre of a Bishop's court, if a wider field had not soon been opened for puritanical ambition. Cromwell had usually attended the church-service, joining probably, like Baxter, “in the common prayer, with as hearty fervency, as afterwards he did with other prayers :".

-66 As long as I had no prejudice against it," says that good man, “I had no

devotions from

any of its imperfections.” But even before he left Huntingdon his house had been a retreat for those non-conforming preachers who had provoked the law; and a building behind it is shown, which he is said to have erected for their use, and in which, according to the same tradition, he sometimes edified them by a discourse himself. It is certain that he put himself forward in their cause so as to be looked upon as the head of their party in that country; and Williams, who was then Bishop of Lincoln, and whom he often troubled on such occa

stop in

sions, says that he was a common spokesman for sectaries, and maintained their part with stubbornness. Whatever part indeed Cromwell took up would be well maintained, and the time was now approaching when he was to take a conspicuous one.

A rebellion broke out in Scotland, where no disaffection had been suspected. By prudent measures it might easily have been averted, by vigorous ones it might easily have been crushed; and both were wanting. The King raised an army which, by the management of designing persons, and the mismanagement of others, was rendered useless. A treaty was made by which nothing was concluded; all the savings of the preceding years were wasted in this disgraceful expedition ; and Charles, who had so long governed without a parliament, was now compelled to call one, for the purpose of obtaining supplies. The majority of that parliament consisted of men who knew their duty to their king and country, and, in asserting the constitutional liberties of the people, would have sacredly preserved the rights of the crown, wherein those liberties have their surest safeguard. There were however some persons,* of great ability, who were determined upon effecting some change both in the ecclesiastic and civil institutions of the land, not having acknowledged to others, nor perhaps to themselves, how far they were willing that that change should extend. The state of their mind was well expressed by Cromwell, who, when Sir Thomas Chichley and Sir Philip Warwick asked him with what concessions he would be satisfied, honestly replied, “I can tell you, Sirs, what I would not have, though I cannot tell what I would.” This parliament was hastily dissolved by the counsel of Sir Henry Vane the elder, and Herbert the solicitor-general: the latter acted with no worse motives than peevishness and mortified pride; the former

appears to have intended the mischief which ensued. The discontented party did not conceal their joy at an event which made all good men mournful. Cromwell's cousin St. John, whose dark and treacherous spirit at all other times clouded his countenance, met Mr. Hyde with a smiling and cheerful aspeet, and seeing him melancholy, as in truth he was from his heart," asked what troubled him. The same, he replied, which troubled most good men, that in such a time of confusion, so wise a parliament, which alone could have found remedy for it, was so


upseasonably dismissed. But St. John warmly made answer, that all was well : and that it must be worse before it was better: and that this parliament could never have done what was necessary to be done—"as indeed,” says Hyde, “it would not what he and his friends thought necessary.”

Cromwell was one of those friends; he had been returned to this parliament for the town of Cambridge, and was returned for the same seat to the next-the famous and infamous Long Parliament, which Charles found it necessary to call in six months after the dissolution.

Cromwell's appearance in this assembly is happily described by Sir Philip Warwick. “The first time,” he says, “ that ever I took notice of him, was in the very beginning of the parliament held in November, 1640,* when I vainly thought myself a courtly young gentleman, for we courtiers valued ourselves much upon our good clothes. I came one morning into the house well clad, and perceived a gentleman speaking, whom I knew not, very ordinarily apparelled, for it was a plain cloth suit, which seemed to have been made by an ill country tailor. His linen was plain, and not very clean ; and I remember a speck or two of blood upon his little band, which was not much larger than his collar: his hat was without a hat-band; his stature was of a good size ; his sword stuck close to his side, his countenance swoln and reddish, his voice sharp and untunable, and his eloquence full of fervour.” † But it was more by heat and earnestness than by eloquence that Cromwell made himself noticed at this time. One of the first occasions upon which he spoke in this parliament was in a committee, in opposition to Lord Kimbolton, upon the Earl of Manchester's inclosure business. He behaved intemperately, “ordering the witnesses and petitioners in the method of proceeding, and seconding, and enlarging upon what they said with great passion.” I When the chairman endeavoured to preserve order, by speaking with authority, Cromwell accused him of being partial and discountenancing the witnesses; and when, says Lord Clarendon, who was himself the chairman, Lord Kimbolton, upon any

mention of matter of fact, or the pro

[* He sat in this Parliament-commonly known as the Long Parliament, for the town of Cambridge. His fellow-member was John Lawry, Esq.]

{t Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, ed. 1702, p. 247.]
[i Lord Clarendon's Life of himself, ed. 1827, vol. i. p. 89.]


ceeding before and at the inclosure, desired to be heard, and with great modesty related what had been done, or explained what had been said, Mr. Cromwell did answer and reply upon him with so much indecency and rudeness, and in language so contrary and offensive, that every man would have thought, that as their natures and their manners were as opposite as it is possible, so their interest could never have been the same. In the end his whole carriage was so tempestuous, and his behaviour so insolent, that the chairman found himself obliged to reprehend him, and to tell him if he proceeded in the same manner, he would presently adjourn the committee, and the next morning complain to the house of him.'

Cromwell's name does not appear in the proceedings against Lord Strafford. That he bore his part, however, may be preşumed not only from the whole tenour of his after-conduct, but because his cousin St. John was one of the foremost agents in that most iniquitous transaction, one of the deadly sins of the Long Parliament. When the question of the Remonstrance, much against the will of the violent party, was deferred till the morrow, that there might be time for debating it, Cromwell asked Lord Falkland why he would have it put off, for that day would quickly have determined it? 'Lord Falkland answered there would not have been time enough, for sure it would take some debate; and Cromwell replied, a very sorry one ; for he, and those with whom he acted, supposed there would be little opposition. It was so well opposed that the debate continued from nine in the morning till midnight; a thing at that time wholly unprecedented. As they went out of the house, Lord Falkland asked him, whether there had been a debate ? to which Cromwell replied, he would take his word another time, and whispered him in the ear, that if the Remonstrance had been rejected, he would have sold all he had the next morning, and never have seen England more; and he knew there were many other honest men of the same resolution. So

near, says Clarendon, was the poor kingdom at that time to its deliverance.t

[* Which he never forgave; and took all occasions afterwards to pursue him with the utmost malice and revenge to his death. Clar. Life, ed. 1827, vol. i. p. 90.]

[+ Člar. Hist., ed. 1826, vol. ii. p. 44. Lord Say and Lord Brooke were the promoters of this intended emigration, and, as is well known, Hampden


That memorable Remonstrance, which must have been intended by those who framed it to prepare the way for the evils which ensued, was carried (14 Nov. 1641] by a majority of nine, when not half the members of the house were present: the promoters the measures were so active, that not a man of their party was wanting, and at the last they carried it by the hour of the night, which drove away more old and infirm opposers than would have sufficed to turn the scale. Whitelock says, “the sitting up all night caused many through weakness or weariness to leave the house, and Sir B. R. (Sir Benjamin Rudyard) to compare it to the verdict of a starved jury.' What Clarendon observes upon this occasion is worthy of especial notice. “I know not how those men have already answered it to their own consciences; or how they will answer it to Him who can discern their consciences; who having assumed their country's trust, and, it may be, with great earnestness laboured to procure that trust, by their supine laziness, negligence, and absence, were the first inlets to those inundations; and so contributed to those licences which have overwhelmed us. For by this means a handful of men, much inferior in the beginning, in number and interest, came to give laws to the major part: and, to show that three diligent persons are really a greater and more significant number than ten unconcerned, they, by plurality of voices in the end, converted or reduced the whole body to their opinions. It is true, men of activity and faction, in any design, have many advantages, that a composed and settled council, though industrious enough, usually have not; and some that gallant men cannot give themselves leave to entertain : for besides their thorough considering and forming their counsels before they execute them, they contract a habit of ill-nature and disingenuity necessary to their affairs, and the temper of those upon whom they are to work, that liberal-minded men would not persuade themselves to entertain, even for the prevention of all the mischief the others intend. And whosoever observes the ill arts by which these men use to and his cousin Cromwell, and Haselrigge, had actually embarked for the new colony of Saybrooke, when an order of council, restraining all masters and owners of ships from setting forth any vessel without special licence was enforced against them. Nescia mens hominum fati sortisque futura.SOUTHEY, Quar. Rev., No. xciv.,

p. 478.] [* Whitelock, p. 51, ed. 1732.]

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