nous nous sommes prêtés. Il sera bon, Monsieur, que vous en preveniès le Congrès pour le prémunir contre tout ce qui peut arriver. Je ne désespère pas, j'espère plutôt, mais tout est encore incertain.

be pleasing to Congress; and should it become necessary to inform the people of this memorial, it could easily be done; they would be flattered by it, and it might probably beget the voice and concurrence of the public. I submit these thoughts to you early, and although peace appears yet to be distant, Sir, by reason of delays and difficulties attending the communications, that period will be a crisis when the partizans of France and England will openly. appear, and when that power will employ every means to diminish our influence, and re-establish her own; it is true the independent party will always stand in great want of our support; that the fears and jealousies which a remembrance of the former government will always produce, must operate as the safe-guard to our alliance, and as a security for the attachment of the Americans to us. But it is best to be prepared for any discontent, although it should be but temporary. It is remarked by some that as England has other fisheries besides Newfoundland, she may perhaps endeavour that the Americans should partake in that of the Great Bank, in order to conciliate their affection, or procure them some compensation, or create a subject of jealousy between them and us: but it does not seem likely that she will act so contrary to their true interest, and were she to do so, it will be for the better to have declared at an early period to the Americans, that their pretension is not founded, and that his Majesty does not mean to support it.

I here inclose, Sir, translations of the Speech made by the Governor of South Carolina to the assembly and of their answer. These interesting productions convey in a forcible manner the sentiments of the inhabitants of that state, and appeared to me worth communicating to you.

(Signed)

I am, &c.

BARBE DE MARBOIS,

J'ai l'honneur d'être, avec une parfaite considération, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur,

SIR,

DE VERGENNES.

To RICHARD OSWALD, Esq.

Passy, Jan. 14, 1783,

I am much obliged by your information of your intended trip to England; I heartily wish you a good journey, and a speedy return, and request your kind care of a packet for Mr. Hodgson.

I enclose two papers that were read at different times by me to the commissioners; they may serve to show if you should have occasion, what was urged on the part of America on certain points; or may help to refresh your memory. I send you also another paper which I once read to you separately. It contains a proposition for improving the law of nations, by prohibiting the plundering of unarmed and usefully employed people. I rather wish than expect that it will be adopted. But I think it may be offered with a better grace by a country that is likely to suffer least and gain most by continuing the ancient practice; which is our case, as the American ships laden only with the gross productions of the earth cannot be so valuable as yours filled with sugars or with manufactures, It has not yet been considered by my colleagues; but if you should think or find that it might be acceptable on your side, I would try to get it inserted in the general treaty, I think it will do honour to the nations that establish it. With great and sincere esteem, I am, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

'Uncertain what papers.

[Enclosed in the foregoing.]

Proposition relative to privateering, &c. communicated to Mr. Oswald.

It is for the interest of humanity in general, that the occasions of war, and the inducements to it should be diminished.

If rapine is abolished, one of the encouragements to war is taken away, and peace therefore more likely to continue and be lasting.

The practice of robbing merchants on the high seas, a remnant of the ancient piracy, though it may be accidentally beneficial to particular persons, is far from being profitable to all engaged in it, or to the nation that authorizes it. In the beginning of a war some rich ships not upon their guard are surprized and taken. This encourages the first adventurers to fit out more armed vessels, and many others to do the same. But the enemy at the same time become more careful, arm their merchant ships better; and render them not so easy to be taken; they go also more under protection of convoys: thus while the privateers to take them are multiplied, the vessels subject to be taken and the chances of profit are diminished, so that many cruizes are made wherein the expenses overgo the gains; and as is the case in other lotteries, though particulars have got prizes, the mass of adventurers are losers, the whole expence of fitting out all the privateers during a war, being much greater than the whole amount of goods taken. Then there is the national loss of all the labour of so many men during the time they have been employed in robbing; who besides spend what they get in riot, drunkenness, and debauchery, lose their habits of industry, are

rarely fit for any sober business after a peace, and serve only to increase the number of highwaymen and housebreakers. Even the undertakers who have been fortunate, are by sudden wealth led into expensive living, the habit of which continues when the means of supporting it ceases, and finally ruins them. A just punishment for their having wantonly and unfeelingly ruined many honest innocent traders and their families, whose subsistence was employed in serving the common interests of mankind.

Should it be agreed and become a part of the law of nations, that the cultivators of the earth are not to be molested or interrupted in their peaceable and useful employment, the inhabitants of the sugar islands would perhaps come under the protection of such a regulation, which would be a great advantage to the nations who at present hold those islands, since the cost of sugar to the consumer in those nations, consists not merely in the price he pays for it by the pound, but in the accumulated charge of all the taxes he pays in every war, to fit out fleets and maintain troops for the defence of the islands that raise the sugar, and the ships that bring it home. But the expence of treasure is not all. A celebrated philosophical writer remarks, that when he considered the wars made in Africa for prisoners to raise sugar in America, the numbers slain in those wars, the numbers that being crowded in ships perish in the transportation, and the numbers that die under the severities of slavery, he could scarce look on a morsel of sugar without conceiving it spotted with human blood. If he had considered also the blood of one another which the white nations shed in fighting for those islands, he would have imagined his sugar not as spotted only, but as thoroughly died red. On these accounts

am persuaded that the subjects of the Emperor of Germany, and the Empress of Russia, who have no sugar islands, consume sugar cheaper at Vienna and Moscow, with all the charge of transporting it after its arrival in Europe, than the citizens of London or of Paris. And I sincerely believe, that if France and England were to decide by throwing dice which should have the whole of their sugar islands, the loser in the throw would be the gainer, The future expence of defending them would be saved: the sugars would be bought cheaper by all Europe if the inhabitants might make it without interruption, and whoever imported the sugar, the same revenue might be raised by the duties at the custom houses of the nation that consumed it. And on the whole 1 conceive it would be better for the nations now possessing sugar colonies to give up their claim to them, let them govern themselves, and put them under the protection of all the powers of Europe as neutral countries, open to the commerce of all, the profits of the present monopolies being by no means equivalent to the expence of maintaining them.

ARTICLE.

If war should hereafter arise between Great Britain and the United States, which God forbid, the merchants of either country then residing in the other, shall be allowed to remain nine months to collect their debts, and settle their affairs, and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects without molestation or hindrance. And all fishermen, all cultivators of the earth, and all artisans or manufacturers unarmed, and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages or places, who labour for the common subsistence