there was that degree and those habits of acquaintance and good opinion, which is the only soil out of which practical confidence in negociation can grow; as one with whom I could communicate with the most perfect confidence, as one in whose hands I would repose my life and honour. I said first that if these two lines of treaty were not instituted at the same time; and secondly, that if Mr. Hobart was not the person joined with me, I would not engage in what I had offered. This gentleman, a man of honour, brother to the Earl of Buckingham, of a noble distinct landed estate of his own; a man designed by his education at the Court of Vienna, under former ministers in a former reign, for the corps diplomatic, and actually having served in Russia, was also inadmissible. And they thus ended all matters in which I had made my offers.

Having thus found the ministers with whom I had communicated, impracticable towards peace in the only line in which I thought it might be obtained, and seeing an opportunity in which I could be principally instrumental in turning them out, I seized the occasion, and effectuated the 'purpose.

General Conway had communicated to me a measure which he was to take of moving an address of the House of Commons, to pray his Majesty to relinquish the farther prosecution of the War. I stated to him the following difficulty which might be thrown on the ground of his motion, so as to obstruct his proceeding in it. The ministers might in general terms, and equivocal assertions, say, that they were trying the ground of treaty, and that propositions towards negociation were afloat, &c. &c., and then if on this ground they called upon him, not at such a juncture to bring forward measures which might

obstruct their endeavours, and destroy all hopes and views of peace, he would be puzzled what to answer and how to proceed. But, that if he could have it in his power to say, That so far from opening the ground of negociation, or being disposed to take a way to such; which offers had opened to them; that they had offers made by persons communicating with other persons actually authorised and willing to treat of peace, and had rejected those offers; I thought the ministers would not know how to oppose his motion. He said, that indeed would be strong ground, from whence if the ministry were attacked, he did not see how they could maintain their ground. I then proceeded in my communications to him, without naming my correspondent, nay absolutely refusing to name when earnestly pressed, and told him, that I was the person to whom communications had come, "that there were in Europe persons authorized to treat, of peace, and who had declared that any reasonable measures to that end, should have every assistance in their power.' That I had communicated this to the ministry, that after delaying all answer from December 6th to the end of January, to offers which I had made them on that ground, they hanally and absolutely rejected the persons and the offers. He said if this could be proved it must turn them out. I then authorised him to make those assertions which he made in the House, and that we might not misunderstand one another, I desired they might be written down and farther authorised him, if the ministry by denying the assertions should render it necessary, to name me, as ready to come and declare the same at the bar of the House of

Which were not those the news-papers published.

Commons; and that in the mean while he need mt make

any secret of me on this matter. The ministers could not, and did not venture to deny it, and were forced to quit their ground and their places. Upon the change of ministers, I by letter to General Conway made an offer of my services to open the same negociation which I had proposed to the late ministers; but from that hour to this day have never heard from him: and soon after found that Lord Shelburne had employed Mr. Oswald, who was Mr. Laurens's surety, and that bis Lordship had seen Mr. Laurens.

To a person who no longer thinks of American dependence, what disadvantage can there bein making its independence a fixed article (whether the treaty succeeds or no) instead of making it a first article oithe treaty, and so to depend on the success of that which ma miscarry? To a person indeed who looks on it as an evil, and as an evil which there are yet some hopes to avoid, it is a rational proceeding to provide for all possibilities of realizing those hopes; and the case of the treaty not succeeding is that reserved possibility. Were I treating with an enemy indeed for a barrier town (which I certainly wish to keep or to get something for), nothing I own would be

The country gentlemen tired of the war, and grown impatient for peace, left the old ministry on this question, and declared themselves the supporters of those who promised to end the war, and give peace to the country,

so absurd as to give up at starting, as a fired article before the treaty, instead of making it the first article of a treaty, and dependent on the success of the rest. But I had rather have American independence (for one reason amongst others) because the bolder way of giving it up, will secure a greaer certainty of peace; I would then be for giving it up in that holder way; nay, had I some reluctance to American independence, I should still think the smallest probability added of peace, would over-balance the whole value of a mere reserved possibility of dependence, which could only, after all, arise from the failure of the treaty.

NOTE FROM LE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE TO DR. FRANKLIN.

Paris, July 9, 1782.

I have the honour to inform you, my dear Sir, that Mr. Grenville's express is arrived this morning by way of Ostend. That gentleman is gone to Versailles. I fancy he will wait upon you, and I shall be much obliged you, to let me know what your opinion is. I am going to Saint Germains, but if any intelligence comes to hand will communicate it as soon as possible. I rest respectfully and affectionately, yours, LA FAYETTE.

DEAR SIR,

THE ANSWER.

Passy, July 9, 1782.

Mr. Grenville has been with me in his return from Versailles.. He tells me that Lord Rockingham being dead, Lord Shelburne is appointed first Lord of the Treasury and that Mr. Fox has resigned; so that both the Secretaryships are vacant. That his communica

tion to M. de Vergennes, was only that no change was thereby made in the dispositions of that Court for peace, &c., and he expects another courier with fuller instructions in a few days. As soon as I hear more I shall acquaint you with it. I am ever with great respect and affection, your most obedient humble servant,

Marquis de la Fayette.

B. FRANKLIN.

To DAVID HARTLEY, Esq. M. P.

DEAR SIR,

Passy, July 10, 1782.

I received your favour of the 26th past by Mr. Young, and am indebted to you for some preceding. I do not know why the good work of peace goes' on so slowly on your side. Some have imagined that your ministers since Rodney's success are desirous of trying fortune a little further before they conclude the war: others, that they have not a good understanding with each other. What I have just heard seems to countenance this opinion. It is said Mr. Fox has resigned. We are ready here on the part of America to enter into treaty with you, in cons currence with our allies; and are disposed to be very reas sonable; but if your plenipotentiary, notwithstanding that character, is upon every proposition obliged to send a courier and wait an answer, we shall not soon see the happy conclusion. It has been suspected too, that you wait to hear the effect of some overtures sent by General Carleton for a separate peace in America. A vessel just arrived from Maryland, brings us the unanimous resolutions of their assembly for continuing the war at all hazards rather than violate their faith with France. This is a sample of the success to be expected from such a meaVOL. II.

R