Natural resources and waterways. Arbitration Merchant marine We indorse the movement inaugurated by the administration for the conservation of natural resources; we approve all measures to prevent the waste of timber; we commend the work now going on for the reclamation of arid lands, and reaffirm the Republican policy of the free distribution of the available areas of the public domain to the landless settler. No obligation of the future is more insistent and none will result in greater blessings to posterity. In line with this splendid undertaking is the further duty, equally imperative, to enter upon a systematic improvement upon a large and comprehensive plan, just to all portions of the country, of the waterways, harbors, and great lakes, whose natural adaptability to the increasing traffic of the land is one of the greatest gifts of a benign Providence. The conspicuous contributions of American statesmanship to the great cause of international peace, so signally advanced in The Hague conferences, are an occasion for just pride and gratification. At the last session of the Senate of the United States, eleven Hague conventions were ratified, establishing the rights of neutrals, laws of war on land, restriction of submarine mines, limiting the use of force for the collection of contractual debts, governing the opening of hostilities, extending the application of Geneva principles, and, in many ways lessening the evils of war and promoting the peaceful settlement of international controversies. At the same session twelve arbitration conventions with great nations were confirmed, and extradition, boundary and naturalization treaties of supreme importance were ratified. We indorse such achievements as the highest duty a people can perform and proclaim the obligation of further strengthening the bonds of friendship and good will with all nations of the world. We adhere to the Republican doctrine of encouragement to American shipping and urge such legislation as will revive the merchant marine prestige of the country, so essential to national defense, the enlargement of foreign trade and the industrial prosperity of our own people. We commend the efforts designed to secure greater efficiency in National public health agencies, and favor such legislation as will effect this purpose. In the interest of the great mineral industries of our country, we earnestly favor the establishment of a Bureau of Mines and Mining. The American Government, in Republican hands, has freed Cuba, Port Rico, Philip Cuba, given peace and protection to Porto Rico and the Philippines, and pines under our flag, and begun the construction of the Panama Panama. Canal. The present conditions in Cuba vindicate the wisdom of maintaining between that Republic and this imperishable bonds of mutual interest, and the hope is now expressed that the Cuban people will soon again be ready to assume complete sovereignty over their land. In Porto Rico the Government of the United States is meeting loyal and patriotic support; order and prosperity prevail, and the well being of the people is in every respect promoted and conserved. We believe that the native inhabitants of Porto Rico should be at once collectively made citizens of the United States, and that all others properly qualified under existing laws residing in said island should have the privilege of becoming naturalized. In the Philippines insurrection has been suppressed, law established and life and property made secure. Education and practical experience are there advancing the capacity of the people for government, and the policies of McKinley and Roosevelt are leading the inhabitants step by step to an ever-increasing measure of home rule. Time has justified the selection of the Panama route for the great Isthmian Canal, and the events have shown the wisdom of securing authority over the zone through which it is to be built. The work is now progressing with a rapidity far beyond expectation, and already the realization of the hopes of centuries has come within the vision of the near future. CHAPTER VII The evolu tion of nominating machinery. Unfair features of the legisla tive caucus. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PARTY MACHINERY THE nomination of candidates for local offices and the legislature was made at first in mass meetings, which very soon evolved into regularly constituted conventions. Owing to the difficulties of travel, state conventions were for a long time well nigh impossible, so that the politicians of each party hit upon the scheme of forming all the party members in the state legislature into a "legislative caucus" for the purpose of putting forward the candidates for state offices. For example, Jay was nominated for governor of New York "at a sort of a legislative caucus" in 1795, and the institution soon won general recognition. The following account of the nomination of DeWitt Clinton for governor in 1817 reveals the curious device of supplementing the legislative caucus by delegates elected from districts not represented in the legislature by party members. It may be said to mark a stage between the legislative caucus and the regular state convention. 46. The Legislative Nominating Caucus It had been the uniform usage of the democratic party to select their candidate for governor, by the majority of voices declared at an assemblage of men composed exclusively of the republican members of the legislature. By this arrangement those republican citizens who resided in counties represented by federalists, could have no voice in the selection of a candidate for that important office. This the Clintonians complained of as unreasonable and unjust. They therefore proposed that delegates should be chosen in county convention, which convention should be formed of delegates chosen at the primary meetings of republicans in the respective towns, and that the delegates thus chosen from the counties equal in number to the members of assembly from the respective counties, should, in a caucus to nominate a governor, have the same rights and exercise the same powers as republican members of the legislature. It was, I believe, well understood, that in the greatest proportion of the counties represented by federalists, a very large majority of the republicans were in favor of the nomination of Mr. Clinton. Besides, the Clintonians, by means of the council of appointment, controlled the patronage of the state, and it was not difficult for a man who understood the use of that machine as well as Judge Spencer, to control by its influence, the action of most of the county conventions. Hence, it was most evident that the adoption of the scheme could scarcely fail to forward, and perhaps, I may add, ensure the triumph of Mr. Clinton. chosen for counties ists. In accordance with these views, a republican convention was first Delegates held in the county of Albany, at which John J. Moak was chairman, and Jacob Lansing secretary, on the fourth of February, represented when it was resolved that the counties represented by federalists by Federalin the legislature, ought to be represented in the state convention to nominate a governor by republican delegates chosen by such counties; and Albany being represented by federalists, John Woodworth, Elisha Jenkins, John McCarthy and Thomas Harman were appointed delegates from the county of Albany. Other counties respectable for their wealth, number and influence, followed the example. of the dele gates. The delegates to the state convention thus chosen were generally Character favorable to the nomination of Mr. Clinton; and like the delegates from the county of Albany were composed of republicans of high standing and character. From the county of Oneida, Nathan Williams, and Henry Huntington were chosen, and from the county of Ontario, Gideon Granger, the late eminent and distinguished postmaster general, was a delegate. ries to the caucus. One difficulty which Mr. Van Buren and his friends had to Preliminaencounter, was to fix upon an opposing candidate to Mr. Clinton in caucus. Who was the man that would accept the post and combine the greatest strength, was a question not easy to be judiciously decided. They finally fixed on Judge Yates. He had Clinton nominated. Election of officers. adhered to, and defended Mr. Clinton long after he had been denounced by Judge Spencer. On his circuit the preceding summer, he had in various places urged his friends to support the nomination of Clinton. It was supposed that the known friendship of Judge Yates to Mr. C. would induce some of the latter to support the former; but a different result was produced. Men felt indignant when they were invited to support a man in opposition, who had himself taken pains and been instrumental in convincing them that Clinton ought to be chosen governor. A day or two before the meeting of the state convention, Judge Yates positively declined being a candidate. This produced some confusion in the ranks of the opposition, but they finally fixed upon Gen. Peter B. Porter as their candidate. The state convention was held at the capitol on the 25th March. Upon balloting for a candidate, Mr. Clinton received eighty-five votes and Gen. Porter forty-one. It was understood that sixty members and twenty-five delegates voted for Mr. Clinton, and thirty-three members and seven delegates for his opponent. 47. The Congressional Caucus for Nominating Presidential Candidates * In 1800, the Federalists in Congress held a secret conference to agree on candidates and thus present a solid front to the Jeffersonians. This scheme, denounced at the time by the opposite party, was, however, speedily adopted as a regular institution for nominating presidential candidates, and it lasted until the election of 1824, when it gave way before the popular uprising in favor of Andrew Jackson. The following official record of the caucus of 1824 shows how the system worked: Chamber of the House of Representatives of the United States. At a meeting of the republican members of Congress, assembled this evening, pursuant to public notice, for the purpose of recommending to the people of the United States suitable persons to be |