a dog in the street. John Brown sets out on a sublime mission to rescue a number of slaves from the galling yoke of their bondage in the Southern States, that he might place them beyond the reach of the eagle's claws in Canada, but himself was caught up into the eagle's beak, and dropt into the hungry jaws of Virginia, which were smoothed in his destruction. Others were separated from loved ones, and driven from position, property and home into exile, where amidst years of deep anxiety and sorrow, days and hours were turned into weeks, months and years, associated with the cry from under the altar, "How long, O Lord, how long?" This course of degeneracy in its origin is fixed by the articles referred to in the New York Tribune in 1833, but we trace its existence to the period in our history when Washington, Jefferson, and Madison spoke of the "compromises of the Constitution.” It was the sad want of principle then, that afterwards became so fatal to individuals, churches, States, and the Union. The chief instruments in promoting it have been Northern politicians and divines, since one-third of the people in the South could not have ruled two-thirds of the people in the North without their consent, controlled their patronage, or distributed appointments in the churches, States or Congress. Besides, a large proportion of the Southern people received their education in Northern seminaries and Universities, and if they went to their homes with evil principles

instilled into their minds by Northern teachers and professors, can we blame the pupils so much as the teachers or instructors? Moreover, the vast preponderance of talent and genius has ever been associated with the North, but made useless to a great extent and mischievous by assumption, asseveration, distortion, cunning, artifice, deception, fraud and lies, both in the churches and States, so that wickedness was regarded as cleverness, and the man who was the most successful in overreaching his neighbour was almost everywhere considered a smart man. This was so manifest to the Southerns that the Charleston Mercury, one of their principal organs, branded them in the churches and States as "hucksters in politics;" represented them as men who "knocked themselves down to the highest bidder," and looked on them with supreme pity and sovereign contempt, in their adoption of a course of policy, which it says "was marked with cupidity, truckling and subserviency to the South." It is urged, however, that a change has come over the Northern people. A change, indeed, but for the worse, when President Lincoln proclaims to the world that he is an anti-slavery man, and yet takes the oath to the Constitution as a slave document, and avows that "he would save the Union with slavery if he could." When Secretary Seward, in order to make a bid for the Presidency, declares in the senate chamber at Washington, "there have been times. when we have surrendered the safeguards of free

dom, not that we love freedom less, but the Union more;" when the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, to shew his love to the Union, "protests," in his Harper Ferry sermon, "against any counsels that lead to insurrection, servile war, and bloodshed;" and, then incites the Northerns to an invasion of the South, and advocates servile "insurrection," and war redder than blood and fiercer than fire," shouting until he is hoarse, "fight or die." When President Lincoln, the Congress, and the Northern States, perform the part of "Low Comedians" in a new comedy, called the "Constitutional Amendment Act;" in order to cast out imaginary clauses, called the "Compromises of the Constitution," which Ward Beecher in his Fort Sumter sermon avowed did not exist, declaring "There is no fact susceptible of proof in history, if it be not true that this Federal government was created for the purpose of justice and liberty. The instruments which accompanied it, and preceded it, and the known opinions of the men who framed it, prove this beyond the peradventure of a doubt," demonstrating to the world that they were co-partners with the Southerns in the guilt and shame of slavery, thus publishing their own shame; and when the hope is expressed by leading abolitionists that "the war may be continued long enough to make the Northern people men;" such a change cannot be regarded with complacency, or viewed with delight, but with detestation and horror.

"But," say Northern advocates, "wherever

Christianity lives and flourishes there must grow up from it necessarily a conscience which is hostile to any oppression and wrong." This is quite true, so far as real Christianity is concerned; but not so in regard to the spurious system, so named, which has been so widely diffused in America, as taught by a Vandyke in New York, a Nehemiah Adams of Boston, a Stuart of Andover, a Lord of Dartmouth, a Professor Hoge of Princeton College, a Right Rev. Dr. Hopkins, or Bishop Hedding; or as practised by Ward Beecher, Drs. Cheever, Nathan Brown, Eddy, Tyng and Mrs Stowe, who have stood in slaveholding relationships, or fellowships, apparently unconscious that Christian duty demanded that they should come out from the ranks of what Mrs. Stowe complacently calls "Lady pious slaveholders," "Christian slave-traders," and might have added revival negro-haters. It is still urged that "a great and powerful anti-slavery party resolved at last. upon the restraining and control of slavery in the North." If so, the above party were very unfortunate in the selection of their candidate to represent them, since Lincoln, in a speech made at Freeport, Illinois, August 7, 1858, and published in his Campaign Book, avowed, "If any territory uninfluenced by the actual presence of slavery came to adopt a slave Constitution, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union." To call such a party anti-slavery is a misnomer, a figment of the brain, a myth. Be

sides, Wendell Philips, Esq., the highest authority in the North in such matters, in a speech made at the New England Antislavery Convention, May 30, 1860, said, "there is no political antislavery existing at this moment. There is no movement in the political arena that calls itself anti-slavery. Of course you know there is none in the church. You know very well that unfortunately the ballot box is a great deal ahead of the communion table in its knowledge of ethics; and as we find no antislavery at the ballot box we cannot expect to find any at the communion table."

In the above sketch of the relations and conditions of North and South, we see that both have violated the fundamental law of the Constitution, and subverted the great charters of freedom; but bad as the South is, and black as it is with guilt, it has had some redeeming qualities in connexion with it, which the North has never possessed, or cherished as free-traders; and in regard to slavery, no men bowed their knees with profounder homage or burned sweeter incense to this national idol than Webster, Everet, Hallet, Cushing, Choate, or Wm. E. Dodge, the great revivalist, so-called, all leading and influential Northern men, whilst the overwhelming mass of biblical interpreters and divines who made the word doulos to support what they called "the humanity and divinity of slavery filled Northern chairs in the Universites and pulpits, producing such deep rooted pro-slavery proclivity