our thanks to Divine Providence for His care over us, and beseech Him to guide and govern us in our duties hereafter, as He has carried us forward to victory; to teach us how to be humble in the midst of triumph, how to be just in the hour of victory, and to help us to secure the foundations of this republic, soaked as they have been in blood, so that it shall live for ever and ever. (Enthusiastic

cheers.)

"The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong," said an inspired writer in olden times; and this holds good now, or the millions who have harnessed themselves to the war chariots of "Abe Lincoln " would long since have subjugated the South. At first, when the Federal hosts set out for Richmond, they believed that they had nothing to do but march straight on to their destination, never dreaming that a Confederate army would rise up in their pathway to strike terror to the centre of their hearts as they sent them back, again and again, quivering with fear towards Washington, and subjecting them to terrible disaster and mortifying defeat; so that what they expected to achieve in a few days has taken as many years to accomplish. Of course unprecedented enthusiasm has filled our Northern cities, and the people have run riot in a carnival of joy over the fall of Richmond, a place now made famous in history like Charleston by its brave defenders. Had President Davis and the Confederate government adopted the counter

move which we put on record in 1862, when we wrote the former part of this book, Southern generals and armies would not have been trampled down by superior numbers, or driven from one stronghold after another in consequence of the pressure of Northern armies, or the terrific strain on their resources which they have been called to endure. From the first we have freely avowed that Southern independence and slavery was impossible, but that if it was linked with the bright jewel of freedom to the slave, it was not only possible, but probable. In such a case, however, it required quickness to perceive it, and promptitude to embrace and act upon it, or the precious pearl of their independence would be imperilled and their own vassalage secured.

We trace all the fearful disasters which have befallen the South to their attempt to secure their independence with slavery as their black heritage, and to their delay in changing what was an element of weakness into one of colossal strength in their favour by the proclamation of freedom. Look at the relative position of the combatants. The North had not only twenty millions to six in the South, but the adult male population of Europe at their back to fill up their depleted ranks by the casualties of war, and quick to perceive that slavery was the weak point in the South, the Federal government resolved to break the shell of the Confederacy, if possible, at this point; hence Lincoln's proclamation

of freedom, not as a measure of justice to the slave, but a brutum fulmen to punish the Confederates; but as this measure only made them more fierce and furious, and led them to perform greater prodigies of valour, as well as to draw down upon the Federals the world's satire and scorn; Frederick Douglas, the philanthropist so called, was made the head or chief of a new department for conscripting and enlisting negroes, and forming them into "Black Regiments" to help to turn the scales of victory in favour of the North. All this time no offset was attempted by the Confederate government until they were beset with appalling difficulties, and well-nigh overwhelmed with disasters, when an act was passed to arm the slaves on the basis of freedom from iron-handed necessity, which ought to have been done from joyous anticipation of coming events which cast their shadows beforehand. A paragraph is being freely circulated that this act contained a proviso that "the negroes were to be returned to their masters at the end of the war." This statement, however, breaks down under the weight of its absurdity, and shews to what a tremendous tension mendacious falsehood is stretched to draw upon the credulity of mankind, and make capital for the Federal cause. With the fall of Richmond the curtain has fallen on the closing scenes of the American war. Federal advocates are shouting "the head and the backbone of the rebellion is smashed," the "Confederacy is at an end."

THE END OF THE WAR.

The word victory is a powerful talisman to influence all true soldiers on the field of battle, but the final victory on the termination of a long and perilous campaign, fills them with an enthusiasm and joy that knows no bounds. Federal advocates are now very busy, like the late Mr. Cobden prior to his death, laying tremendous stress on what he called "the unmistakeable signs of exhaustion" in the Confederacy, and on the prediction which he made that "the famous ninety days will witness very decisive events in the progress of the war,” backed up with the plea that "if Lee was obliged to evacuate Richmond, there would not be a town left in the Confederacy with twenty thousand white inhabitants," and, consequently, not be able to maintain permanently large armies in the interior of the Slave States amid scattered plantations and unpaved villages," as it requires the "base of large cities to concentrate the means of subsistence, and furnish the necessary equipment for an army."

Federal telegrams, also, were actively employed in proclaiming to the world that the hour was at hand when they would consummate their final victory over the South, since General Grant, by the disposition of his forces and vigorous pursuit of General Lee, had made it impossible for him to keep the field in the presence of such overwhelming numbers.

This was self-evident to General Sheridan,

as shewn in one of his telegrams.

Hence the

anxiety which was felt to obtain the intelligence, when the following despatch from the field of battle sealed the fate of the South :

SURRENDER OF GENERAL LEE.

NEW YORK, April 11, Evening.

Grant wrote to Lee on the 7th as follows:"The result of last week must convince you of the hopelessness of further resistance. I ask the sur

render of your army."

Lee replied, that though not entirely of Grant's opinion of the hopelessness of further resistance, he reciprocated his desire to avoid the useless effusion of blood; therefore, before considering Grant's proposition, he asked what terms were offered for surrender,

Grant replied that peace had been his first desire, and that he insisted upon only one condition —namely, that the men surrendered should be disqualified again to take up arms against the Government until properly exchanged. He would meet Lee or his representative at any point and arrange the surrender.

Lee rejoined that he did not propose the surrender of his army, but to ask the terms of Grant's proposition. He did not think the emergency had arisen to call for surrender, but as the restoration