CANTO THIRD.

STANZA VII.

War! War! my brother.

Williams says that, at the time of his first entering the Narraganset country, a great contest was raging between Canonicus and Miantonomi on one side, and Massasoit or Ousamequin on the other. Williams, at this time, had come to the resolution of settling at Seekonk, on a part of the lands belonging to the latter sachem. But should actual hostilities be commenced between these tribes, his situation would become peculiarly dangerous, occupying as he would, lands on the frontiers of the weaker party. The Narragansets might regard his settlement as a mere trading establishment, supplying their enemies with arms. Besides, the Narragansets and Wampanoags, in many instances, laid claim to the same lands. [See note to stanza the thirty-fourth, canto fourth.] To obtain a peacable possession of these lands it was necessary to have the consent of both. A reconciliation, therefore, of the contending tribes became indispensable. Williams incidentally mentions that he travelled between them to satisfy them of his intentions to live peaceably by them, and it is hardly possible that the equally necessary object of their reconciliation was neglected. Indeed we find, shortly after Williams entered their country, these chiefs, so recently hostile, amicably granting their lands to him and his associates, and one of them yielding to the authority of the other. Hence we may infer, that Williams not only attempted to pacify them, but that his efforts were crowned with success.

Ousamequin, or Ashumequin, was the name of the Wampanoag chief, until about the time of the Pequot war, when he assumed the name of Massasoit, or Massasoyt, for it is variously written. The latter is used in the text as that by which he is most generally designated. It was common for the Indians to change their names. That of Miantonomi was originally Mecumeh.

STANZA VIII.

The Narraganset hatchet stained with gore-
Miantonomi lifts it o'er his head,

Gives the loud battle yell, and names our valiant dead.

To name the dead was considered a great indignity, and, among chiefs, a sufficient cause of war. Philip pursued one who had thus offended to Nantucket. The life of the offender was saved only by the interference of the Whites. To avoid uttering the names of the dead they used circumlocutions, such as Sachem-aupan, Neemat-aupan; the sachem that was here, our brother that was here.

STANZA XI.

And Annawan, who saw in after times

Brave Metacom, and all of kindred blood,

Slain, or enslaved and sold to foreign climes.

Metacom was the original name of Philip. Annawan was the last of Philip's captains that fell into the hands of the English. He was with Philip at the time he was surprised and slain. Church, giving an account of the battle, says, By this time the enemy perceived they were waylaid on the east of the swamp, and tacked short about. One of the enemy who seemed to be a great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and often called out Iootash! Iootash!' Captain Church called to his Indian, Peter, and asked who that was that called so. He answered that it was Annawan, Philip's great Captain, calling to his soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly."

6

STANZA XIX.

Scarce do they leave a scant and narrow place,
Where we may spread the blanket of our race.

"We have not room to spread our blankets" was a phrase by which the Indians signified that they were srtaightened in their possessions.-See Heckewelder.

STANZA XXII.

'Tis not the peag, said the Sagamore,

Nor knives, nor guns, nor garments red as blood,
That buy the lands I hold dominion o'er—

Lands that were fashioned by the red man's God;
But to my friend I give.

Williams says the Indians were very shy and jealous of selling their lands to any, and chose rather to make a grant of them to such as they affected; but at the same time expected such gratuities and rewards as made an Indian gift often times a very dear bargain.

Of Peag there were two sorts, the white and black. The former was called Wampom or Wampum, the latter Suckauhock. The first was wrought from the white, the last from the black or purple part of a shell.

STANZA LV.

Westward till now his course did Waban draw;
He shunned Weybosset, the accustomed ford.

I am informed that Weybosset in the Indian language, signified a ford, or crossing place. It is now the name of a street in Providence, extending southwesterly from the place in the river so designated by the Indians.

STANZA LVI.

And now did Indian town to town succeed,
Some large, some small, in populous array.

"In the Narraganset country (which is the chief people in the land) a man shall come to many townes, some bigger, some lesser, dozen in 20 miles travell."-Williams' Key.

CANTO FOURTH.

may be a

STANZA II.

There bristled darts-there glittered lances sheen.

Lances were arms which distinguished their sachems and other leaders. At this early period the Indians had scarcely become familiarized to the use of fire arms. The French and Dutch had indeed begun to supply them with these strange implements of death; but the English colonists had taken every precaution to prevent their being furnished with them. There were however no restraints on the trade in knives, hatchets, lances, &c.

STANZA XII.

Wampanoag gore

Will M'antonomi's feet in battle trace
Ere dies another moon.

This was the phraseology by which they described the change of the

moon.

STANZA XXI.

On settles raised around the mounting blaze

Sate gray Wauontom, Keenomp, Sagamore.

Wauontom, a counsellor; Keenomp, a captain; Sagamore, a chief or Sachem.

The Sage Canonicus.

Williams considered Canonicus at the time he wrote his Key to the Indian languages, about fourscore years old.

STANZA XXII.

The Neyhom's mantle did his shoulders grace.

"Neyhomauashunck, a coat or mantle curiously made of the fairest plumes of the Neyhommauog, or turkies, which commonly their old men make; and is with them as velvet with us."-Williams' Key,

STANZA XXXIV.

Yes, ere he came, Pocasset's martial band
Did at our bidding come to fight the foe,
And the tall warriors of the Nipnet band
Rushed with swift foot to bend our battle bow;
And e'en the dog of Haup did cringing stand
Beside our wigwam, and his tribute show.

The reader will not expect in the text minute historical accuracy, yet it has been the wish of the author, throughout, not to violate known historical truth; and the following facts, he thinks, give something more than mere probability to the presumption, that Massasoit was, before the arrival of the whites, in some sense, one of the subject sachems of the Narraganset chiefs. The following extract of a deposition of Williams, dated at Narraganset the eighteenth of June, A. D. 1682, will shew that Canonicus had authority of some sort over Massasoit, and that the latter had claims, subordinate to those of Canonicus, to certain lands which Williams procured of the last named chief. In this deposition Williams says, "I desire posterity to see the most gracious hand of the Most High, (in whose hands are all things) that when the hearts of my countrymen and friends and brethren failed me, his infinite wisdom and merits stirred up the barbarous heart of Canonicus to love me as his own son to the last gasp, by which means I had not only Miantonomi and all the Coweset sachems my friends, but Ousamequin also, who, because of my great friendship for him at Plymouth, and the authority of Canonicus, consented freely, (being also well gratified by me) to the Gov. Winthrop's and my enjoyment of Prudence, yea of Providence itself, and all other parts I procured which were upon the point, and in effect whatever I desired of him." A distinction seems here to be intended between Prudence and other places. It is probable that Prudence was conquered by the Narragansets, whilst in possession of some under-sachem of Massasoit. And when the latter renounced all claims to this Island, he at the same time assured to Williams the peaceable enjoyment of Providence and all other places purchased of him.

A similar state of things appears in the deed, made by Canonicus and Miantonomi to the settlers of Aquidnay, to have existed both in reference to that Island and a part of Pokanoket, where Massasoit resided. This deed or memorandum is as follows: "We Canonicus and Miantonomi the two chief sachems of Narraganset, by virtue of our general command of the Bay, as also the particular subjecting of the dead sachem of Aquidnick and Kitackumuckqut, [Kikemuet] themselves and lands unto us, have sold unto Mr. Coddington and his friends united, the great Island of Aquidnick, lying from hence Eastward in this bay, as also the marsh or

grass upon Qunnannacut, [Conanicut] and the rest of the Islands in the bay (excepting Chubackuweda, formerly sold unto Mr. Winthrope, Governor of Massachusetts, and Mr. Williams of Providence,) also the grass upon the rivers and coasts about Kitakamuckqut, and from thence to Pauparquatsh [Poppasquash] for the full payment of forty fathoms of white beads."

Ousamequin was present and granted the use of the grass and trees on the main land, Pocasset side. Tradition points out the spot in which the battle was fought that decided the fate of Aquidnick, and assigns a date to the event anterior to the arrival of the English at Plymouth. Calender evidently considers it to have taken place during the great sickness or plague which prevailed among the eastern Indians before the coming of the Whites. When the English arrived, Massasoit was at Pokanoket, in a part of that territory so recently wrested by the Narragansets from (probably) one of his under sachems. He was then in no condition to resist any of the demands of the victors, and there can be little doubt that he submitted to them as a tributary or subject chief. The arrival of the English however gave him allies, and enabled him to set the Narragansets at defiance. Hence the hostility of the Narragansets to the Whites; and hence Massasoit's uniform adherence to them. That Massasoit was considered by the Narragansets a tributary chief, and bound to comply with the requisitions of their sachems, is rendered very probable by the following passage in Winthrop's journal. It is under date of April, 1632.

"The Governor received letters from Plymouth signifying that there had been a broil between their men at Sowamset and the Narraganset Indians, who set upon the English house, there to have taken Ousamequin, the Sagamore of Pokanoscott, [Pokanoket] who fled thither with all the people for refuge, and that Captain Standish, being gone thither to relieve the English which were in the house, sent home in all haste for more men and other provisions, upon intelligence that Canonicus was coming with a great army against them. On that, they wrote to our Governor for some powder to be sent with all possible speed, for it seemed they were unprovided. Upon this the Governor presently dispatched away a messenger with so much powder as he could carry, viz: twenty-seven pounds. The messenger returned and brought a letter from the Governor, signifying that the Indians were retired from Sowamset to fight the Pequins; [Pequots] which was probable; because John Sagamore and Chickatabott were gone, with all their men, to Canonicus who had sent for them."

Here Canonicus, on the point of marching against the Pequots, sent to certain sachems of Massachusetts to join him-there is little doubt but that the same requisition was made of Massasoit and attempted to be enforced. He took shelter however under the English, and the Narragan