Scots declare against me. And indeed it well may be so, in case my friends will, upon my restraint, immediately and frankly declare for my release; of which, I am sure, thou wilt have a care, and therefore will say no

more.

I have desired Mr. de Bellievre, which he hath willing[ly] promised, to write at large to the Regent of France and Cardinal Mazarin that such offices may be done, now upon the conclusion of the general peace, as to make all the princes understand that my case is not singly mine, but that it concerns all the monarchs in Christendom to advert unto, and particularly that somewhat may be done which may oblige Spain not to meddle with Ireland, I desiring thee to further these motions to what thou may with the Regent of France and Cardinal Mazarin.

I am so pressed to send my answer to London, that my last shift of delay is, first to send it to my friends in Scotland, to see how far I can engage them; for that I see not how to shun the sending it some time the next week to London, if in the mean time something from thee do not hinder me. For I much desire thy opinion concerning Ireland. And yet I have so couched that article that, if the Irish give me cause, I may interpret it enough to their advantage. For I only say, that I will give them full satisfaction as to the managing of that war; nor do I promise to continue the war, so that I find reason to make a peace there, my engagement is at an end. Wherefore I desire thee to make this my in

1 These names are usually written in cipher in the original MS.

terpretation known to the Irish, assuring them what I do now is with no intention to abandon them, nor will so long as there is any reason to do otherwise.

This is all at this time from him who is eternally

THINE.

Charles I. to the Earl of Lanerick.1

Lanerick,

I like well of your accustomed freedom, nor shall I alter my style to you; and, indeed, as I am well satisfied of your proceedings, in order to my commands sent by Sir James Hamilton, so I wonder much that my intended answer had so ill a reception amongst you. For, albeit I could not expect that you would approve what I know is so much against your wishes; yet I thought that even common charity (besides, believe me, there is also the interest of the country which would be considered) might make you endeavour to make the best of that which you saw remediless. Yet, since what I sent you is so much mistaken, the rest is the less wonder to me; for it amazes me to hear that some amongst you, who know every little that Will. Murray carried, say that this is far short in diverse particulars, when there is but one (which is the militia) for which there is any colour, and that neither but in a much wrested sense. And is it not so, when private instructions are the only

1 MS. Harl. 841, f. 227. He added in a postscript-" I have so much work now, that if you had ten brethren, what I have written is enough for them all." A few days after this, the king sent his last message to the two Houses, to be presented to the Scottish Parliament.

ground which only permit a further latitude to be made use of in case of absolute necessity, and not otherwise, it being a new kind of incivility that particular freedoms should be esteemed as public obligations? Yet, if they think they have so great a catch of it, so that Scotland will declare for me, I will stand to the least tittle of these instructions (nothing being omitted), according to their plain grammatical sense. As for the officers of state, certainly my advocate will clear that mistaking; for all the alteration concerning them is only for the better conformity to that paper, which he brought from London. And for the great seal, upon the perusal of all my papers, I have not wit enough to find from whence the ground of going less can be taken. But for religion, I know not what to say, except endeavouring to be civil may be termed a going less; if so, that fault shall be soon helped. And, indeed, I cannot but think it strange, that rather than comply anything with my conscience, you will (I speak not personally to you, but to the kingdom in general) submit to the wills of those who at least can never prove your friends, and that to the visible prejudice (I may say more) both of you and me, though I express my endeavouring to content you by showing you more than a probable way for the attaining to your pretensions, the which you make altogether desperate by rejecting my offer. And truly I am confident not to be single to think your exceptions strange; for, first, civil ingenuity uses not to be misliked; then I rather expected thanks for giving of some time to Presbyterial government than to have the limitation of it objected against me; especially

And is it

since that without me it cannot be established. unfit for me to have what is granted to all public ministers by the law of nations? Yes, I cry you mercy; for kings used to dispense, not to be dispensed with. And why will you not have twenty divines of my nomination to speak amongst your grave assembly? Is it that you misdoubt your causes, or that you will not have it disputed? Neither of these reasons I can submit to; and a third I cannot find.

Lastly, as for your covenant, when, and not before, that I shall be satisfied in my conscience that I may allow it, I will; but I see no way for that satisfaction, unless by such a conference as I have proposed. Now, for sad consequences I have no so good antidote as a clear conscience, which, by the grace of God, I will preserve, whatever else happen to

Your most assured, real, constant friend,

Newcastle, 14th December, 1646.

Dear heart,

Charles I. to his Queen. 1

CHARLES R.

Newcastle, Saturday, January 2, [1647.]

I must tell thee that now I am declared what I have really been ever since I came to this army, which is a prisoner (for the governor told me some four days since, that he was commanded to secure me, lest I should

1 Clarendon State Papers, Bodley MS. Charles was strictly watched by the parliamentary guards, and no access to him could be obtained without an order from the Parliament.

make an escape), the difference being only this, that heretofore my escape was easy enough, but now it is most difficult, if not impossible. That which now is to be done is, that the queen and prince of Wales declare publicly that my offers have been most reasonable, and neither of you will persuade me to go further, but rather dissuade me, if I had a mind to grant more; because it is now clear that the demands concerning religion are destructive as well to my crown as conscience; assuring thee that somewhat fully to this sense (I say fully, for it must not be minced) is absolutely necessary for my preservation; for if there be the least imagination that the prince of Wales will grant more than I, I shall not live long after. This is not my opinion alone, for the French ambassador and Montreuil fully concur with me in it.

Having, as it is necessary, showed thee this sad truth (which to me is neither new nor strange), I shall need say no more; for I know thy love will omit nothing that is possible for my freedom. Yet I cannot but conjure thee never to despair of a good cause, and to remember that the Prince of Wales justly claims from [thee] a never giving over care of him, even as thou loves me, who am Eternally thine.

The French ambassador goes from hence Monday next, with my approbation, for he can have nothing more to do here; and I believe he will be useful to me in France, being no less confident of his affection to me, than of his knowledge of these affairs, of which on my word there is no doubt. Wherefore I desire thee to give him all the countenance thou can.