how can we expect God's blessing, if we relinquish His church? And I am most confident that religion will much sooner regain the militia than the militia will religion. Thus in my harsh, brief way (not having time to make large discourses) I do my endeavours to make your judgments concur with mine in this particular, as they do in all the rest. For albeit, I believe that my letters upon this point may have silenced you by way of obedience, yet I am not satisfied unless your reasons be likewise evinced. Now, as to the proceedings here, I have yet no certainty to send you; but there are two things much discoursed, both naught, first, that the London rebels will seek to satisfy the Scots, which thought no hard work whereby to make them retire their army, and quit their garrisons, before they will declare anything concerning my person. Secondly, their great desire is to make the duke of York king. Albeit, these hitherto are but discourse, yet are they not to be contemned. And you will be deceived if [you] do not expect that the Scots have [not] resolved to destroy the essence of monarchy (that is to say, reduce my power in England to what they have made it in Scotland), from which nothing can divert them but a visible, strong declared party for me, and either the prince of Wales or I on the head of a good army. And do not think that any other eloquence will make the English or Scots rebels hearken to any reason for the business of Ireland alone (which yourselves confess that I must stick to) will hinder all accommodation, until (as I have said) other sort of arguments be used. Wherefore my opinion is, that you presently begin to press France and all the rest of my friends, both to declare for my restoration, and set some visible course on foot to order it. I will say no more at this time, but only that you will not forget to answer the quere in my last letter concerning myself. So farewell. Charles, Charles I. to the Prince of Wales.1 Newcastle, 26th August, 1646. I had not sent you this honest, trusty servant of mine, Doctor Steward, but that the iniquity of these times hath hindered his attendance upon me, the which, since (for the present) I could not help, I thought the best service he could do me was to wait on you. Wherefore I command you not only to admit him in the quality of dean of your chapel, as he is to me, but likewise that you will take his advice, and give very much reverence to his opinion in everything which concerns conscience or Church affairs. Upon which occasion I cannot but give you some short directions in relation to the distractions of these unhappy times. As I know that you are not now to learn that chiefest particular duty of a king is to maintain the true religion (without which he can never expect to have God's blessing), so I assure you that this duty can never be right performed without the Church is rightly governed, not only in relation to conscience, but likewise for the neces1 Clarendon State Papers, Bodley MSS. sary subsistence of the Crown. For, take it as an infallible maxim from me, that, as the Church can never flourish without the protection of the Crown, so the dependency of the Church upon the Crown is the chiefest support of regal authority. This is that which is so well understood by the English and Scots rebels, that no concessions will content them without the change of Church government, by which that necessary and ancient relation which the Church hath had to the Crown is taken away. Wherefore, my first direction to you is, to be constant in the maintenance of the episcopacy, not only for the reasons abovesaid, but likewise to hinder the growth of Presbyterian doctrine, which cannot but bring anarchy into any country, wherever it shall come for any time. Next to religion, the power of the sword is the truest judge and greatest support of sovereignty which is unknown to none (as it may be that of religion is to some). Wherefore, concerning this, I will only say that whosoever will persuade you to part with it, does but in a civil way desire you to be no king; reward and punishment (which are the inseparable effects of regal power) necessarily depending upon it, and without which a king can neither be loved nor feared of his subjects. I will end this letter with a negative direction, which is, never to abandon the protection of your friends upon any pretence whatsoever.1 1 A rough draught by himself, and indorsed by him, "To my son Charles, 26 Aug. by Dr. St. 1646." Charles I. to the Lords Jermyn and Culpeper, and Newcastle, 21st September, 1646. I have now deciphered (which when I wrote last I had not) and considered of the draught ye sent me for an answer to the London propositions, which I find (to my inexpressible grief and astonishment) to be not only directly against my conscience, but absolutely destructive to your ends, which is the maintenance of monarchy. For you have taken such care for the perpetual establishing of Presbyterial government, that you have not forgotten the universities; and ye have (as I believe purposely) omitted other things better worthy the remembering, as the naming of officers. It [is] true ye pretend to give an honourable mention of episcopal government, but so meanly, and in a way so sure not to do that effect which it faintly offers, that it is a shame to see it. And then for Ireland (though I concur with you fully in the intention), it is a poor juggling answer, and such a one that the silliest understanding must at first sight easily look through. Indeed, for the rest, I confess it smells much of the old strain; and I perceive you imagine that the dexterity of the latter part will cure the inconvenient concessions in the former, which is a great mistake. For albeit all were agreed unto as is set down, it will be in the power of pulpits (without transgressing the law) to dethrone me at their pleasures, at least to keep me in subjection. But, suppose they 1 Clarendon State Papers, Bodley MSS. thank me for my concessions, and demur upon the rest, what then? You will say all is but conditional, so that I am obliged to do nothing. I grant this were a good answer, if I had a power to dispute, and that the conditions were not against my conscience. But as it is, besides the hazarding of my soul for nothing, what I have yielded unto will be held for good; and I may expect the rest, when all the Lower House turn saints, or mankind leave factions. Now you may wonder why I have taken all this pains, for you will find that I shall not be put to a particular answer to the propositions; but this point of religion hath so great and necessary an influence throughout all my affairs, that I find it most necessary to rectify your judgments herein; for, albeit my condition be sufficiently sad, yet [it] is made so strangely worse by your misunderstanding the point of church government, whereby I am made the scourge of my kingdom and family, that rather than I will undergo that burden, I will (laying all other considerations aside) hazard to go to France, to clear my reputation to the queen, and all the world, that I stick not upon scruples, but undoubted realities, both in relation to conscience and policy. Indeed, this is a right way to make me a Papist; for if I follow your present advices concerning religion, I foresee such a necessity for it, that the time will come you will persuade me with more earnestness to submit to the pope, than now ye do for my concession to Presbyterial government; for, questionless, it is less ill, in many respects, to submit to one than many popes. |