The voyage from Zanzibar to the mouth of the Congo, and up that river to the Aruwimi, together with the advance of Stanley up the Aruwimi with a part of his forces, while the remainder were left at Yambuya to await the arrival of Tippu Tib were noticed in the "Annual" for 1887. We give in this volume a map of Stanley's route; and in the volume for 1888, at page 123, will be found a map of Central and Southern Africa, showing a larger extent of territory. An account of Emin Bey and his work in Africa was given in the article "Geographical Progress and Discovery "in the volume for 1886. The rear guard of Stanley's party was left in a palisaded camp at Yambuya on the Aruwimi, under the charge of Maj. Edmund Barttelot and Mr. J. S. Jamieson. They were to wait there until the arrival of Tippu Tib with the carriers he had promised, and then follow the advance column to the Albert lake. If Tippu failed, they were to discard a part of the baggage and

hasten on with the rest.

Stanley set out on June 28, 1887, with 389 officers and men up the Aruwimi. They were met from the first by opposition on the part of the natives, and a skirmish took place within twentyfour hours of their departure, without, however, any loss to Stanley's party. On the 19th of July they reached Bonalya; here they began a journey by land, heading due east toward the Albert Nyanza, where they expected to find Emin Pasha. From the last of August to the 12th of November, they suffered more or less from hunger, and death, and desertion rapidly thinned their ranks. On the 13th of August, at Air-Sibba, they were attacked with poisoned arrows and lost five men. Aug. 31 they met a party of Manyuema belonging to the caravan of Ugarrowa, alias Uledi Balyuz, who turned out to be a former tent boy of Speke's. Twenty-six men deserted to this caravan. At Ugarrowa's station, farther on, fifty-six men were left to recover from sickness. The region had been so devastated by the Arabs that food was very scarce. Oct. 18 they entered the settlement occupied by Kilinga-Longa, a Zanzibari slave belonging to Abed bin Salim, an old Arab whose bloody deeds are recorded in The Congo and the Founding of its Free State." Of the month that followed Stanley says:

This proved an awful month to us. Not one member of our expedition, white or black, will ever forget it. Out of the 389 men with whom we started we lost 66 by desertion and death between Yambuya and Ugarrow was, and left 56 sick at the Arab station. On reaching Kilinga-Longa's, we found we had lost 55 more men by starvation and descrtion. We had lived principally on wild fruit and nuts. Abed Bin Salim's slaves did their utmost, short of open hostilities, to ruin the expedition. They induced the men to sell rifles and clothing, so that when we left we were beggared and the men were nearly naked. We were too weak to carry the boat and seventy loads of goods, and we left them at Kilinga-Longa's, under Surgeon Parke and Capt. Nelson..

Our suffering from hunger, which began on Aug. 31, terminated on Nov. 12. Ourselves and men were skeletons. Out of the 389 men we now numbered only 174, and several of these had no hope of life left.

A halt was ordered for the people to recuperate. Hitherto they were skeptical of what we had told them. The suffering had been so awful, the calamities so numerous, the forests so endless that they refused to believe that by and by we should see plains and cattle and the Nyanza and the white man, Emin Pasha. We felt as though we were dragging them along with a chain around our necks.

"Beyond these hardships," said I, "lies a country untouched, whose food is abundant and where you will forget your miscries; so cheer up, boys; be men; press on a little faster."

driven by hunger and suffering, they sold their rifles They were deaf to our prayers and entreaties, for, and equipments for a few cars of Indian corn, deserted with the ammunition, and were altogether demoralized. Perceiving that prayers and entreaties and mild punishments were of no avail, I then resorted to visiting upon the wretches the death penalty. Two of the worst cases were accordingly taken and hanged Ibwiri and reveled in fowls, goats, bananas, corn, in the presence of all. We halted thirteen days at sweet potatoes, yanis, beans, etc. The supplies were inexhaustible. The people glutted themselves. The result was that I had 173 sleek and mostly robust men when I set out for Albert Nyanza on Nov. 24. (One man had been killed by an arrow.) food such a distance seemed nothing. On Dec. 1 we We were still 126 miles from the lake, but with sighted the open country from the top of the ridge, which was named Mount Pisgah because it was our first view of the land of promise and plenty. Dec. 5 we emerged on the plains, and the gloomy, deadly forest was left behind. After one hundred and sixty days continuous gloom we saw the light of day, makWe thought we had never ing everything beautiful. seen grass so green or country so lovely. The men leaped for joy and ran with their burdens.

Dec. 9, we came to the country of the powerful Chief Mazamboni. Our road lay through his numerous villages. The natives sighted us and were prepared. We seized a hill as soon as we arrived in the center of a mass of villages on Dec. 9, occupied it, and built a zariba of brushwood as fast as we could cut it.

The war-cries were terrible from hill to hill across the valleys. People gathered by hundreds from all points, and war horns and drums announced the struggle. We checked the first advance of the natives with a little skirmish, and captured a cow, the first meat we had tasted since leaving the ocean. Night passed peacefully.

In the morning we opened a parley. The natives were anxious to know who we were, and we were equally anxious to glean news. They said Mazamboni only held the country for Kabba Rega, who was their real king. They finally accepted cloth and brass rods to show Mazamboni, and hostilities were suspended until morning, when Mazamboni sent word that we must be driven from the land. The proclamation was greeted in the valley with deafening cheers, Their word Kanwana signifies peace and Kurwana war. We hoped we had heard wrongly therefore, and sent our interpreter nearer to inquire. They responded "Kurwana," and emphasized it with two arrows fired at him.

Our hill was between two valleys. I sent forty men under Lieut. Stairs to attack the natives in one valley and thirty under Mr. Jephson into the other valley. Stairs crossed a deep river in face of the natives, assaulted the first village, and took it. The sharpshooters did effective work and drove the natives back up the opposite slope until the fight became general. Jephson also drove the natives in front of him. He marched straight up the valley, driving back the people and taking villages as he went. At 3 P. M. not a native was visible anywhere except on one small hill a mile and a half west.

On the morning of the 12th we continued our march. During the day we had four little fights. On the 13th we marched straight cast, and were attacked by new forces every hour until noon, when we halted

for refreshments. At 1 P. M. we resumed our march, and fifteen minutes later I cried, "Prepare for sight of Nyanza!" The men murmured and doubted, and said: "Why does the master continually talk this way? Nyanza indeed! Is not this a plain, and can we not see the mountains at least four days' march ahead of us?" But fifteen minutes later the Albert Nyanza was below them. All came to kiss my hands in recognition of my prophecies. Our position was 5,200 feet above the sea, the lake 2,900 feet below us. We were then in 1° 20′ north latitude. The south

end of the Nyanza lay mapped out about six miles south of this position.

Right across to the eastern shore was the tributary Semliki, flowing from the southwest. As we descended, the natives 100 feet below poured in on us, but their primitive style of fighting did not delay us. The rear guard fought them until we were within a few hundred feet of the plain, where we camped. We were attacked during the night, but we drove

them away.

At 9 o'clock next morning we reached the village

of Kakongo, but were unable to make friends with the inhabitants.

They would not be friendly, because, never having heard of a white man, they feared we would scare their cattle away. They would not accept any presents, or indeed have anything to do with us, although they were perfectly civil. They gave us water to drink, but nothing else. They showed us the path, and we camped half a mile from the lake.

My couriers from Zanzibar evidently had not arrived, or Emin Pasha would have been at the southeastern shore of the lake. My boat was 190 miles distant, and there was no tree in sight large enough to make a canoe. We had used nearly all our remain ing ammunition in the five days' fighting on the plain, and a long fight must exhaust our stock. There was no feasible plan except to retreat to Ibwiri, build a fort, and send for stores and ammunition, sending the boat after it should have been brought from Kilinga-Longa's to search for Emin. This plan, after a long discussion, we resolved upon. On the 15th we marched to Kavalla, on the west side of the lake. The Kakongo natives shot arrows into our bivouac.

We resumed the march by night, and by 10 A. M. of the 16th, we had gained the crest of the plateau, the natives following us until they became tired. On Jan. 7 we were in Ibwiri again, Lieut. Stairs being sent to Kilinga-Longa's to bring stores. Only 11 men were brought into the fort out of 38 sick, the rest having died or deserted. Soon after Stairs's departure I was attacked with gastritis and an abcess under the arm. I recovered, and after forty-seven days set out for Albert Nyanza on April 2.

April 26, we again arrived in Mazamboni's country. He consented to make a blood brotherhood with me, though this time I had fifty less rifles than on my former visit. Mazamboni's example was taken by the other chiefs, and we had little difficulty, though we lived royally.

One day's march from the lake, natives came from Kavalli, saying that a white man named Malejja" had given to their chief a black packet for Stanley, his son. From their stories about "big ships as large as islands filled with men," it was evident that they meant Emin Pasha. The next day's march brought them to the chief, who gave Stanley a note from Emin covered with a strip of black American oil-cloth. The note said that "as there had been a native rumor to the effect that a white man had been seen at the south end of the lake, he had gone in his steamer to make inquiries, but had been unable to obtain reliable information, as the natives were terribly afraid of Kabba-Rega, King of Unyoro, and connected every stranger with him." He begged them to remain until he could com

municate with them. Mr. Jephson was dispatched the next day with the boat, and on the 29th of April arrived at the camp with the Pasha and Signor Casati. They were together until May 25, when Stanley returned to Fort Bodo, which had been left in charge of Capt. Nelson and Lieut. Stairs. The latter had been to Ugarrowwa's to bring on the 56 men who were left there sick, but all were dead but 16.

Leaving some of his men in garrison, Stanley pushed on toward Yambuya with 111 Zanzibaris and 101 of the Pasha's people, to bring up the vast stores left with Maj. Barttelot, from whom he had heard nothing. On Aug. 17 he met the rear column at Bonalya, or, as the Arabs called it, Unarya. Here he found in charge Mr. Bonney, who told him that Maj. Barttelot had been shot by the Manyuema a month before, that Mr. Jamieson has gone to Stanley Falls to try to get more men from Tippu Tib, Mr. Troup had gone home invalided, and Mr. Ward was at Bangala, 600 miles below on the Congo.

I found the rear column a terrific wreck. Out of 257 ice, and these were mostly scarecrows. men only 71 remaining; out of 71 only 52 fit for servAccording days that had elapsed since I left Yambuya, the record to Bonney, during the thirteen months and twerty is one of disaster, desertion, and death. I have not the heart to go into details, many of which are incredible, and indeed I have not time. There are still far more loads than I can carry. At the same time articles needreached Yambuya to spread the report that I was dead. ful are missing. Deserters from the advance column They had no papers, but officers accepted the report of

deserters as a fact.

In January, at an officers' mess meeting, Mr. Ward proposed that my instructions should be canceled. The only one who appears to have dissented was Mr. Bonney. Accordingly, my personal kit, medicines, soap, candles, and provisions were sent down the Congo as superfluities. Thus, after making an immense personal sacrifice to relieve them and cheer the necessities of life in Africa. But, strange to say, them up, I find myself naked and even deprived of I have kept two hats, four pairs of boots, a flannel shirt, and I propose to go back to Emin Pasha and across Africa with this truly African kit.

I pray you to say that we were only eighty-two days from Albert lake to Bonalya and sixty-one from Fort Bodo. The distance is not very great. It is the people who fail one. Going to Nyanza we felt as though we had the tedious task of dragging them. In returning, each man knew the road and did not need any stimulus. Between Nyanza and here, we only lost three men, one by desertion. I brought 131 Zanzibaris here, I left 59 at Fort Bodo, total 190 men out of 389; loss 50 per cent. At Yambuya I left 257 men. There are only 71 left, 10 of whom will never leave the camp. Loss over 70 per cent. This proves that though the sufferings of the advance were unprecedented, the mortality was not so great as in camp at Yambuya The survivors of the march are all robust, while the survivors of the rear column are thin and most unhealthy looking.

Stanley says his party was in one unbroken forest for one hundred and sixty days. The grass land was traversed in eight days. North and south the forest area extends from Nyangwe to the southern borders of the Monbottu. From the Congo it extends east to about 29° east longitude, and how far west beyond the Congo is unknown. The tract described covers 246,000 square miles, and north of the Congo is an additional tract of 20,000 square miles between Upoto and the Arwimi. Between Yambuya and the Ny

anza five distinct languages were met with among

the natives.

The land slopes from the plateau above the Nyanza to the Congo from 5,500 to 1,400 feet above the sea level. North and south of their track through the grass land the surface was much broken by cones or isolated summits or ridges. The highest points to the northward were not more than 6,000 feet; but bearing 215 degrees magnetic, about 50 miles from the camp on the lake they saw a mountain, with snowcovered summit, towering to a height of 17,000 or 18,000 feet above the sea.

I have met with only three natives who have seen the lake toward the south. They agree that it is large, but not so large as the Albert Nyanza. The Aruwimi becomes known as the Suhali about 100 miles above Yambuya. As it nears the Nepoko it is called the Nevoa; beyond its confluence with the Nepoko it is known as the No Welle; 300 miles from the Congo it is called the Itiri, which is soon changed into the Ituri, which name it retains to its source. Ten minutes' march from the Ituri waters we saw the Nyanza, like a mirror in its immense gulf.

Mr. Stanley reorganized his force, gathering those that were left of the rear column and such Manyuema as offered their services, and started on the return journey to the Albert lake. It had been arranged that Emin and Mr. Jephson should start from the lake about July 26 with a sufficient escort to conduct the garrison of Fort Bodo to a new station to be built near Kavalli, on the southwest side of the lake, thus relieving Stanley of the necessity for making another journey to Fort Bodo.

On Oct. 30, having cast off the canoes, the land march began in earnest, and two days later we discovered a large plantain plantation in charge of the dwarfs. The people flung themselves on the plantains to make as large a provision as possible for the dreaded wilderness ahead of us. The most enterprising always secured a fair share, and twelve hours later would be furnished with a week's provision of plant

ain flour. The feeble and indolent reveled for the

time being on abundance of roasted fruit, but always neglected providing for the future, and thus became

victims to famine.

After moving from this place ten days passed before we reached another plantation, during which time we lost more men than we had lost between Bonalya and Ugarrowwa's. The small-pox broke out among the Manyuema and their followers, and the mortality was terrible. Our Zanzibaris escaped this pest, however, owing to the vaccination they had undergone on board the "Madura.”

We were now about four days' march above the confluence of the Ihuru and Ituri rivers and within about a mile from the Ihuru. As there was no possibility of crossing this violent and large tributary of the Ituri or Aruwimi, we had to follow its right bank until a crossing could be discovered.

Four days later we stumbled across the principal village of a district called Andikumu, surrounded by the finest plantation of bananas and plantains we had yet seen, which all the Manyuema's habit of spoliation and destruction had been unable to destroy. Then our people, after severe starvation during fourteen days, gorged themselves to such excess that it contributed greatly to lessen our numbers. Every twentieth individual suffered some complaint which entirely incapacitated him from duty. The Ihuru river was about four miles south-southeast from this place, flowing from east-northeast, and about 60 yards broad and deep owing to the heavy rains.

From Andikumu, a six days' march northerly, brought us to another flourishing settlement called in

deman, situated about four hours' march from the river we supposed to be the Ihuru. Here I was con

siderably nonplussed by the grievous discrepancy benatives called it the Ihuru river, and my instruments tween native accounts and my own observations. The and chronometer made it very evident that it could not be the Iḥuru we knew. Finally, after capturing some dwarfs, we discovered that it was the right branch of the Ihuru river, called the Dui river, this agreeing with my own views. We searched and found Bonney and our Zanzibar chief threw themselves into a place where we could build a bridge across. Mr. the work, and in a few hours the Dui river was safely bridged and we passed from Indeman into a district entirely unvisited by the Manyuema.

In this new land, between right and left members of the Ihuru, the dwarfs called Wambutti were very numerous, and conflicts between our rear guard and these crafty little people occurred daily, not without harm to both parties. Such as we contrived to capture we compelled to show the path, but invariably for some reason they clung to east and east-northeast paths, whereas my route required a southeast direction because of the northing we had made in seeking and game tracks on a southeast course, but on Dec. 9 to cross the Dui river. Finally, we followed elephant of a vast forest, at a spot indicated by my chart to be we were compelled to halt for a forage in the middle not more than two or three miles from the Ihuru river, which many of our people had seen while we resided at Fort Bodo.

miles back on the route we had come, while many Manyuema followers also undertook to follow them.

I sent 150 rifles back to a settlement that was 15

During the absence of these foragers, which was inexplicably long, the camp was a scene of hunger and misery. Mr. Bonney was accordingly left in charge of the camp, with a small force, besides "twenty-six feeble sick wretches already past all hope, unless food could be brought to them within twenty-four hours," while the others set out to hunt for the missing foragers.

In a cheery tone, though my heart was never heavier, I told the forty-three hunger-bitten people that I was going back to hunt up the missing men; probably I should meet them on the road, but if I did that they would be driven on the run with food to them. We traveled nine miles that afternoon, having passed

several dead people on the road, and early on the eighth day of their absence from camp met them marching in an easy fashion, but when we were met the pace was altered to a quick step, so that in twentysix hours from leaving Stawahin camp we were back with a cheery abundance around, gruel and porridge boiling, bananas boiling, plantains roasting, and some meat simmering in pots for soup. This has been the nearest approach to absolute starvation in all my African experience. Twenty-one persons succumbed in this dreadful camp.

Having a presentiment that the garrison had not been removed from Fort Bodo, Stanley crossed the Ihnru and proceeded thither, when he found the 51 of the 59 he had left there, not a word having been received from Emin or Mr. Jephson. The whole force therefore set out for Kavalli; 124 were left in camp on the Ituri, and the others pushed forward, hearing nothing from Lake Albert till they reached Gaviras, where they were met by messengers bearing letters, informing them that a rebellion had broken out at Dufflé, and Emin and Jephson had been made prisoners. Plans had been made to entrap and rob Stanley on his arrival. In the midst of the rebellion a force of Mahdists arrived at Lado, and their general sent

up three Peacock dervishes to demand the instant surrender of the country. The rebels seized and threw them into prison, and decided on war. The Mahdists captured Regaf, killing some and making many prisoners, and causing general consternation. This attack caused the people to change their minds about Stanley, to whom they began to look to get them out of their difficulties. The Mahdists took Kirri and Muggi, and besieged Dufflé, but were repulsed by the 500 soldiers, and obliged to fall back to Regaf and send to Khartoum for re-enforcements. The pasha was still unwilling to leave his people, trusting that the invasion would put an end to the rebellion. On this point Stanley says:

If you will bear in mind that on Aug. 17, 1888, after a march of 600 miles to hunt up the rear column, I met only a miserable remnant of it, wrecked by the irresolution of its officers, neglect of their promises, and indifference to their written orders, you will readily understand why, after another march of 700 miles, I was a little put out when I discovered that, instead of performing their promise of conducting the garrison of Fort Bodo to the Nyanza, Mr. Jephson and Emin Pasha had allowed themselves to be made prisoners on about the very day they were expected by the garrison of Fort Bodo to reach them. It could not be pleasant reading to find that, instead of being able to relieve Emin Pasha, I was more than likely, by the tenor of these letters, to lose one of my own officers, and to add to the number of the Europeans in that unlucky Equatorial Province. However, a personal interview with Mr. Jephson was necessary, in the first place, to understand fairly or fully the state of affairs.

On Feb. 6, 1888, Mr. Jephson arrived in the afternoon at our camp at Kavalli on the plateau. I was startled to hear Mr. Jephson, in plain, undoubting words, say: "Sentiment is the pasha's worst enemy; no one keeps Emin Pasha back but Emin Pasha himself." This is a summary of what Mr. Jephson had learned during nine months from May 25, 1888, to Feb. 6, 1889. I gathered sufficiently from Mr. Jephson's verbal report to conclude that during nine months neither the pasha, Signor Casati, nor any man in the province had arrived nearer any other conclusion than that which was told us ten months before: thus: The pasha.-If my people go, I go. If they go. If the governor stays, I stay. The faithful.-If stay, I stay. Signor Casati.-If the governor goes, I the pasha goes, we go. If the pasha stays, we stay.

But the condition of affairs gave Stanley the hope that he might at last receive definite answer. He sent orders for the men left behind in camp to be brought on to Kavalli, that the expedition might be concentrated and ready for any emergency, and sent dispatches to the pasha asking how he could best be aided. It was suggested that the simplest plan would be for him to seize a steamer and bring the refugees to Stanley's old camp on the lake.

On Feb. 13 the surprising news was received that Emin Pasha was at anchor below the

camp, having arrived with two steamer-loads of people desirous of leaving the country. They were to return for another company as soon as the first should be provided for. It was found that the rebel soldiers had been led to Regaf to attempt its recapture from the Mahdists, and had been defeated; among the killed were some of the pasha's worst enemies. The soldiers were panic-stricken, and declared they would not fight unless Emin were set at liberty, and this accordingly had been done. It was learned from Mr. Jephson that the province had been in a dis

turbed state for some time, and that the pasha's greatest trouble arose, not from the outside, but from internal discontent. Mr. Jephson added:

Before closing my report I must bear witness to the fact that in my frequent conversations with all sorts and conditions of the pasha's people I heard, with hardly any exceptions, only praise of his justice and generosity to his people, but I have heard suggested that he did not hold his people with a sufficiently firm hand.

But Stanley found to his consternation that Emin still had scruples about leaving his province. He said he thought Selim and the Egyp tians would return to his standard, and it looked like desertion to leave his people at the Mahdi's mercy, Stanley called a council of war, and submitted the situation to his officers. They unanimously recommended that the expedition move on for Zanzibar on April 10, with such persons as chose to accompany it. This was the answer returned to Emin, and when April 10 arrived followers decided to go with it. The very next the expedition moved. Emin and about 400 day Stanley was taken severely ill, and his death was seriously feared, but Dr. Parke pulled him through, and a month later the journey was resumed.

Then little by little I gathered strength and ordered the march for home. Discovery after discovery in the wonderful region was made. The snowy range of Ruwenzori, the "Cloud King" or "Rain Creator," the Semliki river, the Albert Edward Nyanza, the Plains of Usongora, the salt lakes of Kativé, the new peoples, Wakonju of the Great Monntains, the dwellers of the rich forest region, the Awamba, the finethe Lake Albert Edward tribe, and the shepherd race featured Wasongora, the Wany oro bandits, and then of the eastern uplands, the Wanyankori, besides the Wanya-ruwamba, and the Wazinja, until at last we came to a church whose cross dominated a Christian

settlement, and we knew that we had reached the

outskirts of blessed civilization.

The route I had adopted was one which skirted the Balegga mountains, at a distance of 40 miles or thereabouts from the Nyanza. The first day was a fairish path, but the three following days tried our Egyptians these mountains we were made aware that our march sorely, because of the ups and downs and the breaks of cane grass. On arriving at the southern end of had made a bold push, and had annexed a respectawas not to be uninterrupted, for the King of Unyoro ble extent of country on the left side of the Semliki river, which embraced all the open grass land between the Semliki river and the forest region. Thus, without making an immense détour through the forest, which would have been fatal to most of the Egyp Rega and his Warasura. This latter name is given to tians, we had no option but to press on despite Kabba the Wanyoro by all natives who have come in contact with them. The first day's encounter was decidedly in our favor, and the effect of it cleared the territory as far as the Semliki river free of the Wa

rasura.

the threshold of a region which promised to be very interesting, for daily as we advanced to the southward the great snowy range which had so suddenly arrested our attention and excited our intense interest (on May 1, 1888) grew larger and bolder into view. It extended a long distance to the southwest, which would inevitably take us some distance off our course unless a pass could be discovered to shorten the distance to skirmish with Kabba Rega's raiders, we stood on the At Buhobo, where we had the summit of the hilly range which bounds the Semliki valley on its northwest and southwest sides. On the opposite side rose Ruwenzori, the Snow mountain,

Meantime we had become aware that we were on

the countries south.