attention of your excellency," they add, "to the state of the troops, your care to relieve their various wants, when suddenly called into service, the measures adopted in defence of our maritime frontier; your earnest and varied endeavours to advance the pay to those called out under the authority of the United States, immediately on their discharge, all deserve and receive the approbation and gratitude of your fellow-citizens." It is natural to infer that Governor Gilman cherished a deep interest in every thing concerning the proper consideration belonging to the public character of this patriotic member of the confederacy. Hav. ing been for thirty years from the commencement of the revolutiona. ry conflict, almost constantly enga. ged in public duties assigned to him, either in its service or as one of its citizens, his own reputation, as well as the credit of those with whom he had acted or associated throughout his long period of pub. lic life, as faithful servants of the community, and witnesses of his own official conduct, became identified with the value of those testimonials, which had been conferred on him and them, by the voice of his native state. He held it to be a safe maxim for a republican government, that "the greatest things, and the most praise. worthy that can be done for the public good, are not what require great parts, but great honesty." Believing the state to abound with men of greater abilities, he had no original wish to undertake the office of chief magistrate; and he would cheerfully have declined to continue a candidate had he been left at liberty but the circumstances of our national affairs with foreign governments, strong attachment to our federal government, and a firm belief that it had been administered with as much wisdom and integrity in its primitive stages, as there was reason to expect it ever would be, made it incumbent, in his sense of public duty, to contribute that support to the whole system, which might consist in equal accordance with the laws of the state and the union: believing that he was there. by best promoting the prosperity and happiness of his fellow citizens. Something may be conceded to the ancient faith and high feeling of a federalist, as he pronounced himself, of the Washington school, and to the profound conviction from which he never departed, that those principles upon which the federal government was put in operation, were best calculated for maintaining the honour and dignity of our country; for preserving the union of the states, and the peace, liberty and safety of its citizens; and the obligations which he conceived to be thereby enjoined on him to promote those principles so far as he consistently might in strict conformity to the constitution and laws of our national and state governments. With these sentiments, which underwent no change with that of the federal administration, and with an unabated force of conviction and fidelity on his part, he advised the representatives of the state in congress to give the same support to government which they had ever done; and although, in the change which afterwards took place, and continued for a period, in the political sentiments of the state, when he was called upon by the form of the resolutions adopted by the legislature for an expression of unlimited confidence in the existing administration of the national go. vernment, and "in the justice, benevolence, and wisdom of the president of the United States," he declared himself to be unprepared to unite with the two branches in the whole extent of what, on their part, he was willing the resolutions should impart; still he declared his perfect readiness to co-operate with them in all constitutional measures for correcting the evil tendency of licentious and disorganizing sentiments, communicated, as they complained, through the medium of the press, and to do all in his power for the preservation of the union, and support of such measures as should be best calculated to promote the general welfare. Without com. promising these principles by any act or expressed opinion of his, he retired from office, avoiding any sacrifice of consistency or self. respect, to cherish the conscious. ness of having discharged his duty. On his re-accession to the chair, after the declaration of war, with. out professing any gratuitous confidence, in the then administration of the federal government, he avow. ed himself to be a zealous supporter of our national and state systems of government, and regarding the duties of the office to which he was recalled, sufficient, even in common times, to fill with anxiety the mind of one who had no object in view but the public welfare, he recurred to the rule and standard of the administration of Washington, for those principles of public policy, which, being stamped with the same dignity and energy of conduct exhibited at that period, would not fail to insure to our government proper respect abroad, and establish the country in the full enjoyment of peace. The integrity of these prin ciples, were uncompromitted by him during the final period of his administration; and while he was, by constitutional traits of character, as well as the rectitude of his moral judgment, incapable of adopting any measures that should tend to bring damage or discredit to the state; and while the pru dence and independence of his former administration of affairs continued to be pledges of those determined qualities, which the condition of the times and the occasion requir ed, at the head of the state; the peculiar circumstances under which he was called to act during the latter part of his second period of office, enabled him to render to the state a yet more important and efficient service, in the constitutional capacity with which he was invested. Information originally existing, and circumstances afterward transpiring, warrant the persuasion, so strongly entertained at the time of peace, that by the spirited and judicious arrangements adopted for defence on that occasion, in har. monious concert between the state and national powers, and by the compact front presented to the enemy, by their united forces, the territory of New-Hampshire was saved from violation by a foreign foe, its blood and treasures pre served, and the property of the Uni ted States protected from destruction. Although happily there was no occasion to try the final test to the virtue of those principles, upon which the state was aroused to ac. tion; the example stands forward in the history of the Union to hold out no encouragement to the common enemy, to profit by any sus. pected vice in our constitutions; and to illustrate to the satisfaction of every lover of American law and liberty, the entire compatibility of the utmost freedom, and honest difference of political opinions, with unity and energy of action, on any serious occasion of peril and alarm. THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL. December 4, 1829. At Combe Wood, near Kingston, aged 58, Robert Banks Jenkinson, second Earl of Liverpool, and Baron Hawkesbury, and late First Lord of the Treasury of Great Britain. This distinguished statesman was born June 7, 1770, the only issue of the first marriage of Charles, first Earl of Liverpool, with Amelia, daughter of William Watts, Esq. governor of Fort William, in Bengal. the more abstract departments of knowledge were not neglected, chief attention was paid, by both father and son, to the more practi. cal and popular. Mr. Jenkinson paid a visit to the metropolis of France, about the period of the breaking out of the revolution. He was at Paris when the Bastile was demolished by the mob, and, it is said, was an eye. witness to many of the worst excesses which the streets of the city exhibited at that time. Nor was he an idle spectator of what was then going forward. Intimately acquainted with Mr. Pitt, and, in all probability, requested by him to watch the progress of the revolu. tion, and communicate every fresh form which it assumed, Mr. Jen His first school was one on Parkinson's residence at Paris was, at sons Green, Fulham. At the age of thirteen, he was removed to the Charter-house; and thence he became an inmate of Christ-church, Oxford, where he was created M. A. May 19, 1790, and where he formed an intimacy with the late Mr. Canning, of an unusually permanent character. In the mean time, his father availed himself of the opportunity to sow the seeds of that attachment to state affairs, and that acquaintance with those models and means of political government, which have since sprung up into a harvest of utility to his country, during a season of the most pressing importance. A catalogue of the best writers on the different branches of public economy was 'put into his hands, and a selection from their purest and most perfect works was prepared for him, to blend with his other college exercises. Commerce and finance were especially attended to; and while that time, of essential service to the British government. At the general election of 1790, Mr. Jenkinson was returned member both for Appleby and Rye. He made his election for the latter, for which Cinque Port he was also returned at the three subsequent elections of 1796, 1801, and 1802; that is, until summoned to the House of Peers. His election took place full twelve months before his age allowed him to sit in the House, and he returned to pass the intervening time in acquiring fresh continental information. At the commencement of the session at the close of 1791, having reached his 21st year, he took his seat under the avowed patronage of the minister, and ear. ly in the following year, made his first speech, in opposition to the resolutions of Mr. Whitbread, on the question of the Empress Catharine persisting in her claim to Ochzakow and the adjoining district. His address manifested a profound knowledge, not only of the subject in dispute between Russia and Turkey at that juncture, but also of the general affairs and prospects of Europe, and the duty of England with reference to the continental nations. When, on the 15th of December following, 1792, Mr. Fox moved an address to the king, praying "that his majesty would be graciously pleased to give directions that a minister might be sent to Paris, to treat with those persons who exercised provisionally the functions of the executive government of France, touching such points as might be in discussion between his majesty and his allies, and the French nation," Mr. Jenkinson, in the temporary absence of Mr. Pitt, (who had vacated his seat in the house of commons, by accepting the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports,) replied to Mr. Fox, in a speech of great animation and power. Mr. Fox's motion was rejected without a division. The talents and efforts of Mr. Jenkinson, on this occasion, were warmly complimented by Mr. Burke. From that time, he rapidly rose in the conside. ration of all parties; and began to take a prominent part in combat. ing the arguments of the whig opposition. In April, 1793, he was appointed one of the commissioners of the India Board, the duties of which situation he performed until 1806. When Mr. Grey, on the 6th of May, 1793, brought forward his memorable petition on the subject of parliamentary reform, Mr. Jenkinson stood foremost in the rank of its opposers, asserting that the house of commons, constituted as it was, had answered the end for which it was designed. Upon commercial subjects, Mr. Jenkinson might be expected, in the language of Mr. Sheridan, to have some claims to "hereditary knowledge." He always entered upon them with confidence; and, on Mr. Grey's motion in the house' of commons, March 10, 1796, for an inquiry into the state of the na tion, he took an able view of the effect of the war upon British-commerce, from its commencement, and contended that, notwithstanding the weight of so great a war, the commercial situation of Great Britain was more prosperous than at any antecedent period. On the 28th of May, 1796, Mr. Jenkinson participated in the honours of his family, so far as to exchange that appellation, for his father's second title, Lord Hawkes. bury; his father being, at that time, created Earl of Liverpool. In 1799, Lord Hawkesbury was appointed master worker of the mint, which he held until his higher pre ferment in March, 1801. After the temporary retirement of Mr. Pitt from power, in 1801, the new ministry, at the head of which was Mr. Addington, was announced on the 14th of March. Lord Hawkesbury was appointed to the important office of secretary of state for the foreign department, and actively engaged in the de bates which ensued. The great business of the succeeding summer and autumn, was the adjustment of preliminaries of peace with France; and Lord Hawkesbury, as foreign secretary, was intrusted with the interests of Great Britain in the negotiation. On Lord Hawkesbury devolved, at this period, much of what is called the management of the house of commons, and of course he spoke on every topic involving the character of the administration; but, at the opening of the next session, in December, 1803, in order to strengthen the ministry in the house of lords, he was summoned by writ to that house, to sit in his father's barony. Lord Hawkesbury was not unfriendly to the United States, and shortly before Mr. King's return to this country, a convention was signed by him, definitively adjust. ing the northern and eastern boun. dary lines of the United States, in a manner advantageous to us. He also assented to an article, renouncing all pretensions, on the part of Great Fritain, to impress any person of whatever country, out of a vessel under the American flag. The convention, however, was rejected by Mr. Jefferson, from a mistaken idea of its effect on the boundary of Louisiana, and the article relative to impressment was not executed, through the opposi. tion of Lord Stowel. On the 12th of May, 1804, it was announced that Mr. Addington had resigned. Mr. Pitt returned to the head of administration; and Lord Hawkesbury received the seals of the home department. On the death of Mr. Pitt, in Jan. 1806, his late majesty honoured him, in the first instance, with his confidence and commands, with respect to the formation of a new ministry; but Lord Hawkesbury, well knowing the situation and relative strength of public parties, declined the offer. On the return of Mr. Pitt's friends to power in the following year, Lord Hawkesbury resumed his situ. ation in the cabinet as secretary of state for the home department; still declining any higher, and especially avoiding the highest office. In the defence of all the great measures of government,-particularly the expedition to Copenhagen, and the celebrated orders in council,he took a prominent part. By the death of his father, in 1808, he became the head of his family, as second Earl of Liverpool. When the quarrel and subse. quent duel between Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning induced them to resign their situations in the government, and the Duke of Portland to withdraw from being its nominal head, Mr. Percival, still finding the Earl of Liverpool averse to the premiership, united in name, as he had already done in effect, the two offices of first Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer. Earl of Liverpool, however, consented, in this new arrangement, to become secretary of state for the war department. The At length, an event as unexpected as it was calamitous, the assas sination of Mr. Percival, on the 11th of May, 1812, left the ministry in so disjointed a state, that the Earl of Liverpool yielded to the request of the Prince Regent, to place himself at its head. So reluctant, however, was he, to the last, to become the chief minister of the realm, that he did not consent until Marquis Wellesley, and Lords Grey and Grenville, had decidedly declined the offer. No man ever rose to an exalted station by more gradual or more natural steps, than those by which the Earl of Liverpool attained the |