JANUARY 7, 1833.] Public Lands. [SENATE. mixing itself up with all the measures of legislation, it debt? No; they were purchased by the common treasure would be felt in its influence upon all, would produce of the whole United States. But, supposing that the progreat dissensions both in and out of the House, and affect position of the gentleman from Illinois were conceded; extensively all the great and important objects which that the debt being paid, the mortgage lifted, these lands might be before that body. They had had in the several ought to be applied to promote the interests of the new States some experience on that subject; and, without go- States alone in which they are located. Was this a true ing into any details on the subject, he would merely state, history? Did the lands which were ceded by the several that it was known that for a long period the small amount States pay the debt of the revolution? What was the debt of the public domain possessed by some of the States, in of the revolution? That debt amounted, principal and incomparison with the quantity possessed by the General terest, to not less than four hundred or four hundred and Government, had been a cause of great agitation in the fifty millions of dollars; and the whole of the public lands public mind, and had greatly influenced the course of le- which had been sold had only produced about forty milgislation. Persons coming from the quarter of the State lions. The lands, then, had not paid the debt of the rein which the public land was situated, united in sympathy volution. They had not performed their office. The and interest, constituted always a body who acted toge-debt had been paid by the pockets of the people, and not ther, to promote their common object, either by donations by the public lands; and, to perform their office, the lands to settlers, or reduction in the price of the public lands, or the relief of those who are debtors for the public domain; and were always ready, as men always will be, to second all those measures which look towards the accomplishment of the main object which they have in view. So, if this question were not now settled, it would be a source of inexpressible difficulty hereafter, influencing all the great interests of the country in Congress, affecting great events without, and perhaps adding another to those unhappy causes of division which unfortunately exist at this moment. must repay that debt to the people. He (Mr. C.) would have no objection to adopt the principle of the gentleman from Illinois, that the lands should be applied to the payment of that debt, so long as any of it remained unpaid; and, afterwards, to the reimbursement of the pockets of the people of the money drawn from them, by taxes, to make up the deficiency of the public lands. If the honorable gentleman would apply his own principle, he (Mr. C.) would be satisfied. If he had mortgaged his estate, and the mortgage was lifted by a friend, he was bound to reimburse that friend. So, if the debt of the revolution, He was very happy to find, in the message of the Presi- which the public lands are pledged to pay, was paid by dent, some reference made to the subject of the public the people, they ought to receive back from the lands lands; and especially an expression of the opinion that it both the principal and interest. If the gentleman would was time this question should be put to rest. He was also bring forward a proposition to pay all the revolutionary glad to see it asserted, from the same high authority, that debt out of the public lands situated on this side of the Congress bad a full and uncontrolled power over the sub- Mississippi, and to reimburse the people to the amount ject, to dispose of these lands or their proceeds, for the which had been taken from their pockets, he (Mr. C.) common benefit of the whole country, according to its would vote for the proposition; but that was substantially sound discretion. the object of the bill which he had introduced. The only Next to the settlement of this great question, it was un-difference was, that, instead of keeping an account which doubtedly of the first importance that it should be equita- would be complex in its character, and almost impracti bly settled, so as to comprehend the interests of all, and to cable, a simple form was adopted in the bill, by providshow that those interests have not been lost sight of by ing for the division of the funds among the people of the the General Government. And, he would ask, could any United States, upon the most equitable of all principles-mode of settling the question, so as to consult and protect that of federal representation. With respect to that the interests of all, be offered, which would be more wor-largest portion of the public domain which was acquired thy of the acceptance of Congress than that which was by treaties, it could not be contended that it was incumproposed by the bill of the last session, which had been bent on the Government to appropriate any part of that sent to the Committee on Public Lands? In determining to the payment of the debt of the revolution. upon the merits of that bill, it would be necessary, in the The gentleman from Illinois had said that the scheme course of the few remarks which he should feel himself which he (Mr. C.) had presented was extremely fascinatcalled upon to make, to contrast it with the bill which ing, addressing itself powerfully to the States, and to had been reported by the Committee on Public Lands, every individual in the States. And was not the scheme and to make some observations on the argument in which of the honorable Senator also fascinating? Did it not adthe Senator from Illinois had advocated that plan, in order dress itself powerfully to those who occupy the public to induce the Senate to take it in preference to the bill domain in the new States? The difference between us is which had already once received their sanction. this: He would, from that which was made by the deeds In the first place, the gentleman from Illinois contend- of cession, and the treaties of acquisition, the common ed that the whole of the public lands were ceded to the property of all, take what remains, and appropriate it for General Government for the purpose of paying the debt the exclusive benefit of a few; he would take the promcurred in the prosecution of the revolutionary war; that perty of the twenty-four States, and appropriate it for the this debt had now been paid; and that, as the land had per- benefit of the seven new States, and of such as may hereformed its office, it ought to be set free from further claim after become members of the Union. This, said Mr. C., on the part of the General Government, and to follow the is a plan of broad, liberal, and comprehensive justice; sovereignty of the different States in which they are lo- while his is a narrow, partial, and unjust scheme of apcated. And the gentleman from Illinois, in order to en-propriation, looking to the interests only of a part, and force his argument to the Senate, appealed to the message that, although a highly respectable, an inconsiderable of the President to show that such also was the view taken part of the whole. of the subject by the Executive. Now he (Mr. CLAY) But it was said by the gentleman, that the new States felt himself constrained to say that both the President and were not on. an equality with the old States; that they the gentleman from Illinois had taken much too limited a could exercise no authority over the public domain; that view of the subject. All that portion of the public lands they could not take it for state purposes; that they had which lies beyond the river Mississippi, and below the not the power of taxing it; and, in short, enjoyed no State of Mississippi, and all Florida-were they thus con- benefit from it whatever. Now he (Mr. C.) took it, that ditionally ceded? Were they ceded to the General Go- the property of the United States, every where, was bevernment for the purpose of paying the revolutionary yond the control of the States in which it was situated. SENATE.] Public Lands. (JANUARY 7, 1833. Had Pennsylvania any control over the mint or the arse- 17 per cent. to the new States, before you divide the na!, over any part of her territory which she had ceded proceeds, it would be a proportion quite as great as the to the United States, over the public ships, or over pub-increase of their population, if it were not augmented by lic property of any description within her limits? Had emigration. Or, if there was no tide of emigration to the any State any control over the property of the United new States, and migrations from them similar to those States? The difference, every where, was merely one which take place in other States, the amount which the of extent of national property, and this difference ex- people of the new States would expend in the purchase isted among the new States, as well as between them and of the public lands would not probably be equal to more the old. Ohio had only five millions of acres, for ex- than the 17 per cent. If, therefore, you give them 174 ample, of public lands within her limits; while Missouri per cent. before you give any thing to the other States, had thirty-eight millions. According to the doctrine of all complaints on the score of the drain of money on pubthe gentleman, they ought to have the right of control lic account must be put an end to. over this property, in order to place them on an equality. But this is not all. You not only give this 17 per cent., The inequality of Ohio and Missouri, as to the extent of but after assigning this particular amount to their exclulands, was as five to thirty-eight; while, as to popu-sive benefit, you then divide the residue of the proceeds lation, the inequality stood as one million to one hundred among the whole of the twenty four States, including and fifty thousand, for Ohio, and against Missouri; the those which have already received the 17 per cent. smaller number having, under this principle, the control This additional dividend is about 16 or 17 per cent. more. over the greater extent of the public domain. That Thus there would be a total amount payable to the new which belongs to the General Government is not subject States equal to near one-third of the entire aggregate deto State legislation. There were some States in which rived from all the public lands of the United States, the United States held no property. In Kentucky there wherever situated. About one-sixth of the population of was no United States' property; while in the maritime the United States, which the new States contain, would States there is much of this property, which is beyond receive near one-third of the whole amount of the prothe control of the States. The gentleman from Illinois, ceeds of the public lands. Now, if this was done, would therefore, could derive no strength to his argument from not the condition of these new States be greatly bettered? his ground as to the extent of the public domain. It If the bill should pass, and the new States should thus should be recollected that the time was coming, as it had acquire the amount to which they would be entitled acalmost already come in the State of Ohio, when the pub-cording to its provisions, they would not merely obtain lic domain will be disposed of, and then there will be a the 17 per cent., and, by a participation in the residue of perfect equality, as indeed there is now, between the the fund, some indemnity for pecuniary contributions States, in their rights and powers over whatever may be made by them to the General Government, but they in their respective limits. would still enjoy their present proportion of the experditures of the General Government within their limits. There would still be large expenditures in the event of war, as was the case during the last year; and there would still be the annual disbursements to Ind an agents, and on Indian annuities, &c. All these would continue. The gentleman from Illinois had asked, but without dwelling much upon the point, where was the power to make this division? He (Mr. C.) would refer him to an authority which, he believed, the honorable Senator would be the last member on that floor to controvert or depreciate--the authority of the President. He would The gentleman from Illinis spoke of the new States also refer him to the deeds of cession; to the acts of Con- as if he expressed the sentiments of all of them, and as if gress; to the understanding of all men; but especially he their wants and wishes were only known to him, and his would refer him to his own amendment, and the report construction of them was the only one deserving of reof the Committee on the Public Lands. What! had they spect. Now, at the last session, when this bill was passa right to give away the public lands by a partial and un-ed, the Senators from the seven new States were equally just distribution, and none to establish a broad and com-divided on this subject. There were, if he mistook not, prehensive scale of appropriation, doing justice to all por- two from Ohio, two from Indiana, two from Louisiana, tions of the United States? But he would not dwell on making six, and one from Mississippi, making exactly this part of the subject, which had been fully discussed half of the representation in that body of the seven new during the last session. States. Regarding the subject in the light in which be He would now beg leave to call the attention of Sena- did, that there would be, if things remained as they now tors to what was the present condition of the new States, are, no reflux of the money of the West drawn from it what would be the effect of the operation of this bill upon by the Federal Government, and that large and liberal them, and what would be the subsequent advantages grants of money were made to the new States by the prowhich they would derive from its passage. visions of this bill, it ought to be satisfactory, to the most What was the complaint of the new States at present? ambitious Western heart. The Senate would recollect It was that a vast amount of their money was drawn from that, according to a table presented at the last session, the their limits, to be expended in other portions of the new States had increased at the rate of 85 per cent. Union, to their impoverishment and ruin. Continue the during the ten years from 1820 to 1830, and that the present system, and the evil is perpetuated. The money State of Illinois, during the same period, had increasof the West will still flow into the Eastern States, and stilled at the rate of 185 per cent.; while many of the old be expended there. But what would be the condition States had increased only at the rate of 25 per cent. The of the new States, if the bill which had been stricken out average increase of 13, having no public lands, was only by the committee were to pass? They would, in the first about 17 per cent,; while some had scarcely any increase place, receive 17 per cent, of the amount of the pro-at all. The settlement of the new States is already sufficeeds of the sales of the lands, This 17 per cent. was ciently rapid, and any fresh impetus given to it would probably equal to the amount annually paid by the resi- only be productive of mischief. dent population of the new States themselves, exclusive A struggle always takes place at first among the new of what is paid by emigrants going into the new States. settlers as to preponderance, and this struggle is in proHe derived this inference from a letter which was laid portion to numbers, and the variety of the places of their before the Senate at the last session, from which it ap-origin. It requires some time before the new settlers peared that the thirteen States of the Union, in which can become acquainted with each other, the laws, cus there are no public lands, had increased only 17 per toms, and habits, religious and political, of the respective cent, within the ten years from 1820 to 1830. If you give States and countries from which they emigrated. It some JANUARY 7, 1833.] Public Lands. [SENATE. It times happens that the most opprobrious epithets are in-common Union. Having already shown that the fund terchanged, until they become well acquainted with each itself was derived from the common blood and common other, perceive the good which each bring to the gene- treasure of the country, he would ask if it ought not ral stock, and, becoming reconciled to their condition, still to be held for the common benefit? The country proceed harmoniously in advancing their new settlements enjoys, he was willing to admit, unexampled prosperity. in the wilderness. If emigration were more rapid, there But did we hope that we should exist as a nation for would be still more of this spirit of discord; and all must centuries to come? Did we hope that our Union would agree that an increase in the ratio of 85 per cent. ought to last as long as the republics of antiquity, if not much be sufficient to satisfy the wishes and ambition of any man. longer? And are we, on the strength of such expectaAll that is wanted is money, assistance, aid from some tions, to make a wasteful disposition of the rich patrimoquarter or other, in making roads, providing for educa-ny which has been bequeathed to us? Are we always to tion, promoting the general improvements, and turning be free from wars, and troubles, and difficulties? What to advantage all those blessings which abound in those nation had always been exempt from them? Look at EuStates, and which are designed for the prosperity of so- rope, from which we sprang. It had enjoyed, he believciety. He must repeat, that a comparison of the condi- ed, at this time, one of the longest intervals of peace tion of those States, under the operation of this bill, and which had been experienced for several centuries. without its advantages, ought to enlist in favor of the was only seventeen years and a half since the battle of bill every mind which was not prejudiced by other objects, Waterloo was fought, which terminated the wars of the and which was not looking too intently at the possibility French revolution, and we now see the whole of Euof grasping, in some form or other, all the public domain. rope apparently on the eve of a general war. And do we It must be clear to every unbiassed and impartial mind, expect to be forever at peace never to want money that it was better to accede to the arrangements of this again? never to be in debt? but to be free from all embill, than to remain in their present condition, with the barrassments and debts hereafter? No thinking man mere possibility of getting something more at a future could indulge these chimerical ideas, these vain specuday, If the views of gentlemen who supported the lations. What, then, was it our duty to do? Now was the amendment could even be admitted, was it likely that time, above all others, when we should nurse and take future harmony would be the result? Other new States care of our resources. What nation of antiquity, what would spring up beyond the Mississippi; and as they suc-nation of modern times, has ever possessed such vast recessively arose, following the example of the new States sources as the immense public domain, the capacious of this period, would lay claim to all the public lands womb of unborn republics? He had had occasion to within their limits. remark, either in his observations last session, or in the This consideration should induce the new States to feel report of the Committee on Manufactures, that five hunan interest in the passing of this bill. Those new States dred years hence, if we discharged our duty, and took beyond the Mississippi never would, never ought, never care of this important interest, they who will come after could, agree to an exclusive appropriation of these lands. us may be legislating in this very Hall, which he hoped They constitute a common fund, purchased by the com- would then be standing, as it would stand, upon this great mon blood and treasure, and are the common property and absorbing subject of the public domain. He recolof all. It was the duty of Congress so to regard it. It re- lected, during the late war, when the distress of the sulted from the treaties of acquisition, and was declared country was at its height, when we wanted money, by the deeds of cession to be for the common benefit of wanted credit, when our arms were paralyzed for want all; and he would venture to say that the day will never of the necessary means for sustaining the war-he recome when Congress, for the sake of partial benefits to a collected how it then gladdened every patriotic heart, comparatively small and inconsiderable portion of the when the exhaustless nature of this immense national people, will abandon this exhaustless source of public in- resource was eloquently depicted by a member of the come. Kentucky included no part of the public domain, other House; enough, not only for that, but for fifty or a and enjoyed very few of those advantages which flow hundred other wars, should we unfortunately become infrom the disbursements of the General Government. Her volved in them. But now we are out of debt, and it benefit in the common concern was chiefly indirect, con- would seem that we are never again to be in debt; that sisting in beholding the prosperity of the whole, and the we are out of difficulty, and never again to be in difficulsecurity of all from the Union. But, if this bill passed, ty: and a hundred schemes are suggested to dispose of she would participate in the more direct advantages of these lands, because of our unbounded prosperity; as if the common Government. we could not too soon get rid of the fund. Happier would As an original part of that State which made such a it be for us, and happier too for posterity, should we be vast cession to the Federal Government, he, in her behalf, wise enough to husband well this resource. He trusted entered his solemn protest against any violation of the the Senate would not be deceived by these vain projects. terms of that munificent grant, by which Kentucky shall It was said that there is some discontent in the West; and be stripped of what belongs to her in common with Vir- how was it proposed to allay this discontent? ginia and the other members of the confederacy. He denied the fact, however; there never had been any As it respects the new States themselves, he could general discontent on the subject of the public lands; not but think that, if they would dispassionately examine there was nothing like discontent there. It was true, that the project under consideration, they would find that it some gentlemen, in various States of the West, had held possessed the strongest recommendation to their ac-out to the people of that quarter of the Union alluring ceptance. And he would repeat the assurance to them projects of the aggrandizement of their own States, by of his settled conviction, that, if they deceived them-setting up a claim to the lands within their limits; and it selves by the hope of obtaining the whole of the public was very likely that some of the people may have indulg domain, and refuse what was now offered, they would ed a dream that something like these projects might one have just occasion hereafter to reproach themselves; or, day be realized: but there was nothing like discontent if not, they would be reproached by their posterity, for with the great body of the people on the subject of the throwing away the practical blessings within their reach, public lands. But if there were discontent, what would be in order to obtain an object which he solemnly believed the proper course to pursue? We ought to examine would never be accomplished. He would now call the calmly into the causes, to endeavor in a parental manner attention of the Senate to the provisions of this bill, and to investigate the extent of the disaffection. Should it their equitable character, as it respects the whole of the appear to be well founded, it would be our duty to en SENATE.] Public Lands. (JANUARY 7, 1833. deavor to alleviate it as far as possible. But if there was happiest of all events for the Union. But why did the no foundation for it; if you discovered that it was merely gentleman from Illinois restrict his view to this single point? one portion of the Union demanding that which belong. The bill did not confine the States to colonization. What ed to the whole; if there was no just ground for com- was the bill. It presented three great objects for the plaint, would you, to gratify this murmuring portion of consideration of the States, out of which they were at the Union, give to it that which was the property of all? liberty freely to select. It proposed colonization, educaWould you behave like the weak and foolish parent, tion, and internal improvement, in the reimbursement of who, seeing one child crying for the bauble which another such debts as may have been incurred for internal impossessed, would unjustly take it away from the posses-provements in the States. The gentleman objects to this sor, and, by giving it to the other, set the one who had latter clause. But, Mr. C. would ask, why those States been bereaved crying also? Would you allay discontent, which have gone ahead in the cause of internal improveif discontent existed in a new State, by raising a more ment, Pennsylvania, New York, and Ohio, should not be formidable and greater discontent in the other States? allowed to rid themselves of the debts which they may And would you not do this, if you adopted the partial, nar- have contracted? If they had outstripped the other row scheme of distribution which was proposed by the States, why should they be required to remain under substitute of the Committee on Public Lands? Beware, burdensome debts, and engage in new objects, perhaps Mr. President, on this, as on other great subjects of con-not wanted. tention, that you do not shift the theatre of discontent. With regard to education and internal improvement, It becomes us to take care that we do not raise a storm these are objects in which all parts of the Union are infull of menace, not only to the integrity of the Union, terested. Education and internal improvement in any but to every great interest of the country. He could not part of the Union are objects which affect, more or less, conceive a more happy disposition of the proceeds of the interests of all other parts of the Union. There was the public lands, than that which was provided by this a restriction upon the States. They were not left without bill. It was supposed that five years would be neither limitation. The fund was directed according to the views too long nor too short a period for a fair experiment. In of Congress, and the States were not left unrestricted as case a war should break out, we may withdraw from its to its application. They were required to apply it to one peaceful destination a suin of from two and a half to three of three great objects, in which all parties were interest. and a half millions of dollars per annum, and apply it to ed, as objects of national importance. a vigorous prosecution of the war-a sum which would Thus it had been shown that, according to the plan of pay the interest on sixty millions of dollars, which might the bill, the fund was to be applied, in times of peace, for be required to sustain the war, and a sum which is con- the benefit of the States which may stand in instant need stantly and progressively increasing. It proposes, now of the means which the General Government does not that the General Government has no use for the money, want, for the improvement of their moral and physical now that the surplus treasure is really a source of vexa-condition; and in war, the fund was to be resumed, and tious embarrassment to us, and gives rise to a succession applied to the general objects of the war. Thus, it was of projects, to supply for a short time a fund to the States to be applied, in peace or war, and, according to the prowhich want our assistance, to advance to them that which vision in the various acts of cession, the great object of we do not want, and which they will apply to great the common benefit of all the States would be kept in beneficial national purposes; and, should war take place, view. This ample resource would be preserved for all to divert it to the vigorous support of the war; and, when the vicissitudes to which this nation may be exposed; and it ceases, to apply it again to its peaceful purposes. And we should be enabled, if free from war for twenty or thus we may grow, from time to time, with a fund which thirty years, to acomplish most of the great objects of inwill endure for centuries, and which will augment with the ternal improvement, in the completion of which the coungrowth of the nation aiding the States in seasons of peace, try feels an interest, should the States determine so to and sustaining the General Government in periods of war. apply it. The bill proposes to nurse and preserve this fund, to But there was another and the greatest object of all apply it when wanted to the purposes of the General Go- connected with the passage of this bill, to which, in convernment; and when its application is made to the States, clusion of this part of the subject, he was desirous to rewhat are the objects? The honorable Senator complains fer. He alluded to the effect of this measure on the duabout colonization; and asks what interest Illinois has in rability of our Union. He hoped he should not be misit? He (Mr. C.) was somewhat surprised at the question. taken when he made the suggestion, that, above all forHe supposed every part of the Union was interested in mer periods in this country, this was the moment when the humane object of colonizing the free blacks. He it was most imperative upon every American statesman to supposed that if any part were exempt from the evils of bend all the efforts of his mind to the infusion of new a mixed population, it would still not be indifferent to the vigor into the Union. It was a melancholy fact, that in prosperity of less favored portions. The darkest spot all parts of the country the sentiment of union appeared in the map of our country is undoubtedly the condition to have been greatly weakened. It was a melancholy of the African race. And every benevolent and patriotic fact that there was every where springing up, daily and mind must hope that at some distant day it will be effaced. hourly, an apprehension of insecurity, a fear that our reColonization has opened the only practicable scheme public cannot last, that it is destined to premature diswhich, by draining first the country of free blacks, and solution. He did not speak of one part of the Union, then, either by the authority of the States, or by individual but of all parts. This was a policy which unhappily preemancipation of those now held in slavery, holds out availed. Whatever course could restore confidence, produce hope of the ultimate deliverance of our country from this harmony, create a new attachment to the Union in all its great evil. Suppose that, fifty or a hundred years hence, parts, and which could prevent the greatest calamity that the country could be entirely rid of this African race; could befal this people, ought to receive the favorable would the gentleman from Illinois-would any gentleman attention of the Legislature. He would ask if there was -say that he should be indifferent to such an auspicious any project conceivable by man which was better calcuresult? In his judgment, if the people of the United lated to strengthen the Union than the bill which was States were ready to unite heartily in any practical now on the table? What was it? It proposed that a scheme, if there could be one devised, by which this sum amounting to about three millions of dollars, and country could be delivered from all portions of the African annually increasing, which, twenty years hence may be race amongst us, both free and bond, it would be the six millons, and forty years hence twelve millions, the JANUARY 7, 1833.] Public Lands. [SENATE. source from which the fund is drawn being specifically dence. Now, at this moment, old James Masterton, who ceded or acquired for the benefit of the whole Union, lives near Lexington, and is eighty years old, excepted, shall be annually and parentally distributed by this Govern- he did not recollect a single individual, or the descendment through the whole confederacy, amongst all parts ants of any individual, who had remained on the lands of it, for the purpose of improving the moral and physical which they had originally settled. The settlers acquired condition of the whole. Let this project go into opera- their lands, made their entries, and then disposed of them tion: let all the States be satisfied that it will last as long for bear skins, rifles, or any other marketable commodity. as the fund from which it is to be distributed, as long as With regard to the settlement and the cultivation of the almost exhaustless public domain shall continue, and the soil, in the project of the committee, there is no spewe shall cement this Union by the strongest of ties for cification of any improvement required; there is no confive hundred years to come. What State will then be dition for the cultivation of any specific quantity, nor in disposed to go out of the confederacy, and sacrifice the any defined mode. What does the amendment propose? great advantages administered by this Government? What It allows any man, whether rich or poor, to acquire the State in the Union will be disposed to give up the advan- right of settling the land, by paying fifty cents an acre. tage of this annual dividend, with all the rich fruits which Here is a man who will send one son, or substitute, to set are to result from the improved moral and physical con-up a cabin and cultivate half an acre on one side of his dition of its people, and go forth in its forlorn, weak, and farm; another, who may set out his potatoes, or plant some destitute condition, an outcast without hope, the scorn of corn, and raise a few pumpkins on the other side, and so its neighbors, an object of contempt with foreign powers, on, to acquire their patents; and they will afterwards find and exposed to the insults of the meanest of them, and their way into the market, and be sold as cheap as milieven to the aggressions of lawless pirates? Pass this bill, tary patents have been sold at the brokers' on Pennsylvania and satisfy the States of this confederacy that this fund, Avenue. which is constantly increasing, is to be applied forever, How many of the soldiers, during the late war, are now in time of peace, to them, for the great objects which are to be found residing on their lands All their patents were specified, and, in time of war, to free them from that disposed of for a mere song, and go into the hands of taxation which would be incident to a state of war--my speculators in our great cities. He had heard of a single life (said Mr. C.) on the sufficiency of the security individual in New York, holding at this moment a princiwhich this would present for the cont nuance of the Union. pality in Illinois, and who is retarding the settlement of No section, no State, will be found so lost to its own in-that part of the country by holding up the lands at an exterest, as to be induced to cut itself loose, and to aban- travagant price. Land is not the only want of man; he don its participation forever in this rich and growing re- must have money to meet his necessities, and gratify his pleasures; and many have less inclination to the occupaOne or two words on the question immediately before tions of agriculture than to other pursuits. He regretted the Senate, and he would conclude. That question was that every man did not appreciate farming as he did. But to substitute a new proposition, by adopting the amend-fit is impossible to change the characters of men. Many ment proposed by the Committee on the Public Lands, who are eager for land desire it not for the purpose of in lieu of the other bill. And what was this new project? cultivation, but will part with it as soon as they have nomiIt was at one stroke to cut down three-fifths of the reve-nally complied with the conditions which the laws prenue derived from the public lands. The minimum price scribe. He objected to the amendment, because its beneof these lands is now $1 25 per acre, and it is proposed fits were not confined to the poor settlers, and on account to reduce it to fifty cents per acre, on all the lands which of its inequality. What chance would the people of remain unsold at public auction. It thus proposes, by a Virginia, Kentucky, New York, or Pennsylvania, stand single provision, to take three-fifths from this fund; and with the people of Illinois, who were well acquainted with what does it propose to do afterwards? the vacant land around them? source. [Here Mr. C. read a clause from the bill of the committee.] We had been told by the President, as well as by the gentleman from Illinois, that population is more important Now this was not a project for the poor. No such to the country than land; and the sentiment is undoubtedly thing. Any man, without any regard to the amount of true. It should be recollected, however, that the mere his wealth, or his condition, may settle down on the lands, transfer of population from one section of the country, and acquire a right to them by five years' cultivation; but or from one part of a State to another, adds nothing to he has to settle upon the lands. By the proclamation the sum total. If it be so important to augment and not issued by the King of Great Britain in the year 1763, and to shift the population of the United States, the privilege afterwards by the Royal Colonial Governments, and by several of the States which subsequently became independent, this condition of cultivation has been required to perfect the title to waste land; and yet, invariably, as far as his knowledge went, this provision had been dispensed with, or been considered a mere nullity. There were various kinds of settlements formerly required by Virginia. [Here Mr. C. specified the various conditions, but was not distinctly heard.] It of settlement should be held out to foreigners, to induce She required that the individual should settle on the land. Now, what did they do? They went on the lands, and put up a small cabin, somewhat resembling those which are set up in Kentucky as traps to catch wild turkeys, and this was considered an improvement! Well, Pass the amendment of the committee, and the lands with regard to the cultivation of the soil; sometimes they will be swept by those who are on the spot; but the poturned up the earth and planted a few hills of corn; and 'pulation will remain precisely as it is now. The scheme, this was considered cultivation. The settlers gained their while it would destroy the public domain, would engenobject, and there was no attempt to exact a too rigid der speculation, and lead to numerous frauds and evasions; observance of the conditions. No one sat down upon and, while fraught with palpable injustice to the people his property with a view to make it his permanent resi-in all other parts of the Union, would be found to be far |